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Almost Citizens: Puerto Rico, the U.S. Constitution, and Empire

13 Dec 2018-
TL;DR: Erman's Almost Citizens as discussed by the authors describes the tragic story of how the United States denied Puerto Ricans full citizenship following annexation of the island in 1898, and shows how, in the wake of the Spanish-American War, administrators, lawmakers, and presidents together with judges deployed creativity and ambiguity to transform constitutional meaning for a quarter-century.
Abstract: Almost Citizens lays out the tragic story of how the United States denied Puerto Ricans full citizenship following annexation of the island in 1898. As America became an overseas empire, a handful of remarkable Puerto Ricans debated with US legislators, presidents, judges, and others over who was a citizen and what citizenship meant. This struggle caused a fundamental shift in constitution law: away from the post-Civil War regime of citizenship, rights, and statehood, and toward doctrines that accommodated racist imperial governance. Erman's gripping account shows how, in the wake of the Spanish-American War, administrators, lawmakers, and presidents together with judges deployed creativity and ambiguity to transform constitutional meaning for a quarter of a century. The result is a history in which the United States and Latin America, Reconstruction and empire, and law and bureaucracy intertwine.
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Book
01 Jan 2001
TL;DR: A list of illustrators can be found in this paper, where the authors discuss public health, race, and citizenship in Chinatown, as well as the dangers of queer domesticity.
Abstract: CONTENTS List of Illustrations Acknowledgments Introduction: Public Health, Race, and Citizenship 1. Public Health and the Mapping of Chinatown 2. Regulating Bodies and Space 3. Perversity, Contamination, and the Dangers of Queer Domesticity 4. White Women, Hygiene and the Struggle for Respectable Domesticity 5. Plague and Managing the Commercial City 6. White Labor and the American Standard of Living 7. Making Medical Borders at Angel Island 8. Healthy Spaces, Healthy Conduct 9. Reforming Chinatown Conclusion: Norms as a Way of Life Notes Bibliography Index

213 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Ferrer as discussed by the authors examines the role of black and mulatto Cubans in nationalist insurgency from 1868, when a slaveholder began the revolution by freeing his slaves, until the intervention of racially segregated American forces in 1898.
Abstract: In the late nineteenth century, in an age of ascendant racism and imperial expansion, there emerged in Cuba a movement that unified black, mulatto, and white men in an attack on Europe's oldest empire, with the goal of creating a nation explicitly defined as antiracist. This book tells the story of the thirty-year unfolding and undoing of that movement. Ada Ferrer examines the participation of black and mulatto Cubans in nationalist insurgency from 1868, when a slaveholder began the revolution by freeing his slaves, until the intervention of racially segregated American forces in 1898. In so doing, she uncovers the struggles over the boundaries of citizenship and nationality that their participation brought to the fore, and she shows that even as black participation helped sustain the movement ideologically and militarily, it simultaneously prompted accusations of race war and fed the forces of counterinsurgency. Carefully examining the tensions between racism and antiracism contained within Cuban nationalism, Ferrer paints a dynamic portrait of a movement built upon the coexistence of an ideology of racial fraternity and the persistence of presumptions of hierarchy. |Examines the tensions between racism and anti-racism in Cuba's struggle to become a nation between 1868 and 1898.

149 citations

01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Manela et al. as mentioned in this paper place the 1919 revolution in Egypt, the Rowlatt Satyagraha in India, the May Fourth movement in China, and the March First uprising in Korea in the context of a broader "Wilsonian moment" that challenged the existing international order.
Abstract: During the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, while key decisions were debated by the victorious Allied powers, a multitude of smaller nations and colonies held their breath, waiting to see how their fates would be decided. President Woodrow Wilson, in his Fourteen Points, had called for "a free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims," giving equal weight would be given to the opinions of the colonized peoples and the colonial powers. Among those nations now paying close attention to Wilson's words and actions were the budding nationalist leaders of four disparate non-Western societies-Egypt, India, China, and Korea. That spring, Wilson's words would help ignite political upheavals in all four of these countries. This book is the first to place the 1919 Revolution in Egypt, the Rowlatt Satyagraha in India, the May Fourth movement in China, and the March First uprising in Korea in the context of a broader "Wilsonian moment" that challenged the existing international order. Using primary source material from America, Europe, and Asia, historian Erez Manela tells the story of how emerging nationalist movements appropriated Wilsonian language and adapted it to their own local culture and politics as they launched into action on the international stage. The rapid disintegration of the Wilsonian promise left a legacy of disillusionment and facilitated the spread of revisionist ideologies and movements in these societies; future leaders of Third World liberation movements - Mao Zedong, Ho Chi Minh, and Jawaharlal Nehru, among others - were profoundly shaped by their experiences at the time. The importance of the Paris Peace Conference and Wilson's influence on international affairs far from the battlefields of Europe cannot be underestimated. Now, for the first time, we can clearly see just how the events played out at Versailles sparked a wave of nationalism that is still resonating globally today.

71 citations

01 Jan 2019
TL;DR: Berry as mentioned in this paper argues that the incorporation of California and its diverse peoples into the U.S. depended on processes of colonization that produced and justified an adaptable racial hierarchy that protected white privilege and supported a racially exclusive conception of citizenship.
Abstract: The construction of California as an American state was a colonial project premised upon Indigenous removal, state-supported land dispossession, the perpetuation of unfree labor systems and legal, racebased discrimination alongside successful Anglo-American settlement. This dissertation, entitled “How the West was Won: Race, Citizenship, and the Colonial Roots of California, 1849 1879” argues that the incorporation of California and its diverse peoples into the U.S. depended on processes of colonization that produced and justified an adaptable racial hierarchy that protected white privilege and supported a racially-exclusive conception of citizenship. In the first section, I trace how the California Constitution and federal and state legislation violated the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. This legal system empowered Anglo-American migrants seeking territorial, political, and economic control of the region by allowing for the dispossession of Californio and Indigenous communities and legal discrimination against Californio, Indigenous, Black, and Chinese persons. The second section of the dissertation focuses on the implementation and obstruction of a Free State status and the process of Reconstruction within the state. This project concludes with an exploration of the rewriting of the California Constitution in 1879. While the 1849 Constitution established American sovereignty by excluding Californios, Indigenous Peoples, and Black Americans from California society, the 1879 Constitution maintained the colonial project and protected white-only citizenship, by providing mechanisms to manage the “imported colonialism” created by the demand for cheap labor and a growing American empire. In California, the construction of the American state depended on the racialization, dehumanization, and criminalization of Californio, Indigenous, Chinese and Black people that ultimately rendered them unworthy of inhabiting the land as citizens. The colonial process that transformed the frontier from a contested Mexican space into an American state, not only structured California society, but also shaped U.S. society, American imperialism in the Pacific World, and U.S. immigration policy in the late-nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Degree Type Dissertation Degree Name Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Graduate Group History First Advisor Mary F. Berry

69 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
Theda Skocpol1
TL;DR: Theda Skocpol et al. as discussed by the authors show that the United States nearly became a unique maternalist welfare state as the federal government and more than 40 states enacted social spending, labour regulations, and health education programmes to assist American mothers and children.
Abstract: It is generally believed that the United States lagged behind the countries of Western Europe in developing modern social policies. But, as Theda Skocpol shows in this historical analysis, the United States actually pioneered generous social spending for many of its elderly, disabled and dependent citizens. During the late 19th century, competitive party politics in American democracy led to the rapid expansion of benefits for Union Civil War veterans and their families. Some Americans hoped to expand veterans' benefits into pensions for all of the needy elderly and social insurance for workingmen and their families. But such hopes went against the logic of political reform in the Progressive era. Generous social spending faded along with the Civil War generation. Instead, the U.S. nearly became a unique maternalist welfare state as the federal government and more than 40 states enacted social spending, labour regulations, and health education programmes to assist American mothers and children. As Skocpol shows, many of these policies were enacted even before American women were granted the right to vote. Banned from electoral politics, they turned their energies to creating huge, nation-spanning federations of women's clubs, which collaborated with reform-minded professional women to spur legislative action across the country. Blending original historical research with political analysis, Skocpol shows how governmental institutions, electoral rules, political parties and earlier public policies combined to determine both the opportunities and the limits within which social policies were devised and changed by reformers and politically active social groups over the course of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

2,288 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The very fact that the eminently practical science of administration is finding its way into college courses in this country would prove that this country needs to know more about administration, were such proof of the fact required to make out a case as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: November 2, 1886 I suppose that no practical science is ever studied where there is no need to know it. The very fact, therefore, that the eminently practical science of administration is finding its way into college courses in this country would prove that this country needs to know more about administration, were such proof of the fact required to make out a case. It need not be said, however, that we do not look into college programs for proof of this fact. It is a thing almost taken for granted among us, that the present movement called civil service reform must, after the accomplishment of its first purpose, expand into efforts to improve, not the personnel only, but also the organization and methods of our government offices: because it is plain that their organization and methods need improvement only less than their personnel. It is the object of administrative study to discover, first, what government can properly and successfully do, and, secondly, how it can do these proper things with the utmost possible efficiency and at the least possible cost either of money or of energy. On both these points there is obviously much need of light among us; and only careful study can supply that light.

1,833 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Bell as discussed by the authors suggests that no conflict of interest actually existed; for a brief period, the interests of the races converged to make the Brown decision inevitable, and suggests the interest of blacks in quality education might now be better served by concentrating on improving the quality of existing schools, whether desegregated or all-black.
Abstract: After Brown v. Board of Education was decided, Professor Herbert Wechsler questioned whether the Supreme Court’s decision could be justified on the basis of “neutral” principles. To him Brown arbitrarily traded the rights of whites not to associate with blacks in favor of the rights of blacks to associate with whites. In this Comment, Prof. Derrick Bell suggests that no conflict of interest actually existed; for a brief period, the interests of the races converged to make the Brown decision inevitable. More recent Supreme Court decisions, however, suggest to Professor Bell a growing divergence of interests that makes integration less feasible. He suggests the interest of blacks in quality education might now be better served by concentration on improving the quality of existing schools, whether desegregated or all-black.

1,641 citations

MonographDOI
TL;DR: The authors argues that race resides not in nature but in the contingencies of politics and culture, emphasizing the importance of knowing not only how we label one another but also how we see one another and how that racialized vision has largely been transformed in the 20th century.
Abstract: Matthew Frye Jacobson argues in this text about America's racial odyssey, that race resides not in nature but in the contingencies of politics and culture. In ever-changing racial categories we glimpse the competing theories of history and collective destiny by which power has been organized and contested in the USA. Looking at the field of "whiteness studies" and linking it to traditional historical inquiry, Jacobson shows that in the USA, nation of immigrants, "race" has been at the core of civic assimilation: ethnic minorities in becoming American were reracialized to become Caucasian. He provides a counter-history of how nationality groups such as the Irish or Greeks became Americans as racial groups like Celts or Mediterraneans became Caucasian. Jacobson tracks race as a conception and perception, emphasizing the importance of knowing not only how we label one another but also how we see one another, and how that racialized vision has largely been transformed in the 20th century.

1,391 citations