American Philanthropy, the Carnegie Corporation and Poverty in South Africa
01 Sep 2000-Journal of Southern African Studies (Carfax Publishing, Taylor & Francis Ltd)-Vol. 26, Iss: 3, pp 481-504
TL;DR: The authors examined two inquiries into poverty in South Africa funded by the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the first in the late 1920s to early 1930s and the second during the 1980s.
Abstract: This paper examines two inquiries into poverty in South Africa funded by the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the first in the late 1920s to early 1930s and the second during the 1980s When analysed together the inquiries offer insights into the dynamic relations and tensions between this American foundation, normative science and interpretations of poverty in South Africa during the twentieth century The paper highlights the common ground as well as the profound differences between the inquiries and the national and international, political and institutional contexts within which they were conducted It suggests that far from being deployed with confidence and certainty, underpinning both inquiries were contextual, institutional and intellectual uncertainties which were associated with particular visions of South Africa and the United States held by the Corporation and their funding recipients Reference is made to the strategies employed to overcome these anxieties including the shifting notions of c
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01 Jan 2018
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide a historical overview of the manner in which South Africa's water resources have been governed from a time when the Union of South Africa was formed, in 1910, up to 2008, a time of a growing global awareness of the potential impact that climate change may have on water resources in a key region of southern Africa, notable for increasing levels of aridity and more erratic rainfall patterns.
Abstract: Geologists, physicists and ecologists currently promote the idea of a post-Holocene epoch – the Anthropocene. As a result of constant innovation and modernisation in the fields of engineering, natural science, management studies and environmental studies there has been a growing awareness of the intrinsic interaction between humankind and the environment. Humankind has become part of the environmental dynamics, to the extent that they are literally able to change ecosystems. Nowhere is the impact more evident than in the anthropogenic engagement with the hydrosphere – from the smallest pool of water to the earth’s atmosphere. Comprehensive infrastructure development in water and sanitation, the growing trend to seek additional resources in the form of groundwater, desalinated seawater, and recycled wastewater, as well as special attention being given to capturing and preserving rainwater, bear evidence of a timely response to climate change, population growth and rapid development in many water-stressed regions of the world. The purpose of the book is to provide a historical overview of the manner in which South Africa’s water resources have been governed from a time when the Union of South Africa was formed, in 1910, up to 2008, a time of a growing global awareness of the potential impact that climate change may have on water resources in a key region of southern Africa, notable for increasing levels of aridity and more erratic rainfall patterns. This focus on the history of water affairs in South Africa makes it possible for scholars to comprehend the contemporary transitions made in the country’s water governance system since the establishment in 2014 of the Department of Water and Sanitation. The focus is on the Water–Energy–Food nexus, a strategy which holistically contemplates the governance and use of water from the perspective of the interconnection between water, energy and food as resources.
66 citations
TL;DR: The Carnegie Commission of Inquiry into the Poor White Problem in South Africa is often credited with the major role in prompting this welfare state-building as mentioned in this paper, but this is, at most, only partly true.
Abstract: By the late 1930s, South Africa had developed a welfare state that was remarkable in terms of both the range of risks against which it provided and its coverage of the poor – although only for poor white and coloured people. The Carnegie Commission of Inquiry into the Poor White Problem in South Africa is often credited with the major role in prompting this welfare state-building. This is, at most, only partly true. Firstly, key aspects of the welfare state, most notably old-age pensions, predated the Commission. Secondly, as I show in this article, the Commission's recommendations with regard to most areas of social policy (excepting education) were hostile to programmatic state-building and sought to return discretionary power to the church through indoor (and perhaps also outdoor) poor relief. Some members of the Commission might have employed ‘modern’ social science research methods, and some may have favoured the expansion of professional social work, but its reports generally gave expression to a ba...
42 citations
DOI•
01 Jan 2005
TL;DR: McBride et al. as mentioned in this paper consider international voluntary service as a distinct programmatic form of voluntary civic service, which represents the contribution of one's time to some cause, which is largely uncompensated and spent in a country other than one's home country.
Abstract: International voluntary service represents the contribution of one’s time to some cause, which is largely uncompensated and spent in a country other than one’s home country. The forms of international service have evolved from roots in missionary service to a focus on development of the host communities and the volunteers. Current trends emphasize mutuality, accountability, and participation by host communities, but against a historical and contemporary backdrop, inequality remains between the volunteers and hosts. This paper speculates a range of possible positive and negative developmental outcomes, programmatic strategies to mediate negative effects, and research to inform program and policy development. Center for Social Development Washington University in St. Louis 1 International service programs have existed for decades, but what do we know about their forms and effects? We consider international service a distinct programmatic form of voluntary civic service. Sherraden defines civic service as “an organized period of substantial engagement and contribution to the local, national, or world community, recognized and valued by society, with minimal monetary compensation to the participant” (2001, p. 2). We attach the descriptor “civic” to convey that the action is performed in the public realm, while “service” connects the behavior to the field of voluntary action. As such, an international civic service program has the characteristics of long-term, intensive volunteering whereby the “server” engages in social, economic, or community-based activities in a country other than her home country. Examples of international service programs include the United States’ Peace Corps, Jesuit Volunteer Corps, Nigerian Technical Aid Corps, European Work Camps, Japanese Overseas Cooperation Volunteers, Canada World Youth, and United Nations Volunteers. Programs differ greatly in their administration, targeted server groups, and goals and activities. Service programs may link nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in sending and hosting countries, or there may be complex, cooperative arrangements between government entities and a range of NGOs in different countries (McBride et al., 2003; Sherraden & Benitez, 2003b). The volunteers may be disadvantaged youth, privileged youth, mid-career adults, or retired business executives. The goals may be to address the citizenship development of the volunteers or the economic development of communities or both (McBride et al., 2003). The volunteers may be engaged in activities as diverse as cultural preservation, tutoring, watershed management or business development. Center for Social Development Washington University in St. Louis 2 In a global assessment of civic service programs, international service programs were the most prevalent form of service, above national service programs, constituting 59 percent of 210 identified programs worldwide (McBride et al., 2004). Ninety-three percent of the programs were administered by NGOs. A majority of these programs were based in North America and Western Europe and implemented in Southern countries. Full-time service participation was required by a majority of the programs with a median duration of three months, a mean of five months, and a range of one week to two years. Eligibility criteria for service ranged from age and residence to foreign language and specialized skills. Some programs required that the server pay for the service experience, while others provided stipends that were close to market wages in the host communities, begging the categorization of this service as “volunteerism.” For about one-third of the programs, volunteers were provided housing and transportation assistance. Education, community development, and environmental protection were the primary areas of service, and goals included increasing the server’s motivation to volunteer again, increasing the server’s skill acquisition, promoting cultural understanding, creating or improving public facilities, and promoting sustainable resource use. In spite of its prevalence and complexities, scholarship on international service lags behind the status of programs and policies (McBride et al., 2003; Perry and Imperial, 2001; Smith & Elkin, 1981; Woods, 1981). While there may be positive effects of international service, there are undoubtedly negative effects as well, marked by elitism, state interests, and vestiges of imperialism (Brav et al., 2002; Grusky, 2000; Simpson, 2004). Depending upon the goals, the programs may support diplomacy between nations, dispense aid, engage in social and economic development, or focus on the needs and development of the volunteers, constituting a 1 Transnational service may be a subset of international service, which has more complex and cooperative service administration, goals, and activities (Sherraden & Benitez, 2003). In reporting these statistics, the two are added together. Center for Social Development Washington University in St. Louis 3 type of “self-service.” In this paper, we review what is known about international service. We begin by tracing its history, though we undoubtedly oversimplify the antecedents and evolution of international service in this brief space. We selectively identify the roles of colonialism, postwar reconstruction, international development, and globalization. Pairing the status of international service with its history, we identify possible pitfalls and potential of international service. Research implications are discussed with particular emphasis on international service as a development strategy. INTERNATIONAL SERVICE: FROM COLONIALISM TO GLOBALIZATION Missionary Service International “service” has arguably existed since colonial expansion in the form of missions (Ehrichs, 2002). Through missions billed as aid and development Christianity expanded worldwide. Missionary service was aided with inventions in navigation, discovery of new lands, and Europe’s growing trade with other parts of the world. The motivations and impacts of missionary service were complicated. While this form of service may have improved access to education, nutrition, and healthcare, on the whole, missionary service constituted a onesided relationship between passive beneficiaries and “enlightened” reformers. Missions had complex relationships with a range of entities; they were strategic and sometimes conflicting partners with imperialists, and were seen as proselytizers or lifesavers to the local communities. Mission service still exists today in multiple iterations, e.g., missions where proselytizing may be the focus, reverse missions based on reciprocity of service, or faith-based service emphasizing development as a self-expression of religious beliefs. While inter-religious conflict is leading policymakers and international organizations to consciously eschew religion as a basis Center for Social Development Washington University in St. Louis 4 of program design, religion is used by others as a unifier across class, race, and nationality, with religion-based international service resurging in the first decade of the twenty-first century
30 citations
Cites background from "American Philanthropy, the Carnegie..."
...The formation of the United Nations in 1945 spoke to the interdependence of nations and their impact on one another, signaling a value of equality among nations and a global responsibility to alleviate poverty (Beigbeder, 1991; Bell, 2000; Delano, 1966; Pinkau, 1979; Rehnstrom, 2000; Woods, 1981)....
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...Development provided colonial nations a means of continuing engagement with the post-colonial world (Beigbeder, 1991; Bell, 2000; Hearn, 2002; Rodell, 2002)....
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TL;DR: This paper investigated the social and cultural geographies of large-scale individual giving in supporting the work of elite international universities by examining the official literature of 50 elite HEIs located across the globe, uncovering new discourses into the cross-cultural reach of universities.
Abstract: This paper investigates the social and cultural geographies of large-scale individual giving in supporting the work of ‘elite’ international universities. With public funding of higher education in general decline, universities in countries of the global North are increasingly seeking funding from alternative sources, including private philanthropy. Although scholarly work has examined corporate and foundational giving to Higher Education Institutions (HEIs), there has been little enquiry into how donations from wealthy individuals are represented by universities in their official literature. Publications such as annual reports, giving reports and campaign reports are used strategically by HEIs to project a global image. We examine the official literature of 50 elite HEIs located across the globe, uncovering new discourses into the cross-cultural reach of universities. We draw attention to complex social and cultural relations between HEIs and philanthropists, describing their encounters with reference to...
14 citations
Cites background from "American Philanthropy, the Carnegie..."
...…the total assets of the university and the scale of the ‘problems’ they purported to ‘solve’, their genealogy can be traced back to the work of the large Northern philanthropic foundations, such as the Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation (Bell 2000, 2002; Lambert and Lester 2004)....
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...Within this context, their privately funded activities were frequently development-focused (Glassman 2010; McFarlane 2006; Sheppard and Leitner 2010), seeking to solve problems ‘over there’ (Bell 2000; see also Lunn 2009; Oldfield, Parnell and Mabin 2004; Palmer 2010)....
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...Studies have variously investigated genealogies of philanthropy and their impact on global North–South relations, particularly in relation to the work of the Carnegie Corporation (Bell 1998, 2000, 2002; Lambert and Lester 2004); historical linkages between philanthropy, patronage and civil society in Germany, the UK and the USA (Adam 2004); philanthropy and the funding of HE in North America (Drezner 2011; Kelly 2009) and the promotion of academic mobility through large-scale giving (Collins 2009; Jöns 2008; Kohler 1985)....
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...…genealogies of philanthropy and their impact on global North–South relations, particularly in relation to the work of the Carnegie Corporation (Bell 1998, 2000, 2002; Lambert and Lester 2004); historical linkages between philanthropy, patronage and civil society in Germany, the UK and the…...
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...Although it is important to be mindful of the size of these donations in relation to both the total assets of the university and the scale of the ‘problems’ they purported to ‘solve’, their genealogy can be traced back to the work of the large Northern philanthropic foundations, such as the Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation (Bell 2000, 2002; Lambert and Lester 2004)....
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TL;DR: Among Africanists, one of the remarkable events of 1957 was the founding of the African Studies Association (ASA) as discussed by the authors. Commentaries on the association's history are slight and understandably celebratory.
Abstract: Among Africanists, one of the remarkable events of 1957 was the founding of the African Studies Association. Commentaries on the association's history are slight and understandably celebratory. Exploration of archival and related sources, however, reveals considerable uncertainty and struggle over the construction of the field in the 1950s and 1960s. Those sources range across changing continental, colonial, and racial boundaries and reveal racialized relationships among U.S. scholars and especially foundation officials, British scholars and colonial officials, and, in unexpected ways, scholars in Africa and particularly South Africa. This essay traces the interplay of these forces and the demise of the transnational study of Africa in this period—and points briefly toward today's uncertain future for the study of Africa.
13 citations
Cites background from "American Philanthropy, the Carnegie..."
...In the 1920s Carnegie funded a historic commission into the "poor white" problem (see Bell 2000), and it was a primary underwriter of social science research in South Africa, from the 66 African Studies Review South African government's own National Bureau for Educational and Social Research (led…...
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...In the 1920s Carnegie funded a historic commission into the "poor white" problem (see...
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References
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TL;DR: In the fall of 1938, the economist and former member of the Swedish parliament Gunnar Myrdal traveled from Stockholm to New York City with his wife and research collaborator, Alva Reimer Mårdal, their three children, and two nannies to begin work on the Carnegie Corporation of New York's comprehensive study of black Americans as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the fall of 1938, the economist and former member of the Swedish parliament Gunnar Myrdal traveled from Stockholm to New York City with his wife and research collaborator, Alva Reimer Myrdal, their three children, and two nannies.1 He was in the United States to begin work on the Carnegie Corporation of New York’s comprehensive study of black Americans.2 Far from being Myrdal’s own idea, the study was commissioned by the elite philanthropic organization, which had spent months searching for an appropriate director to head it. Interestingly, the foundation had never considered an American. This is because Carnegie Corporation president Frederick P. Keppel had deemed Americans too emotionally involved in American race relations to offer any objective analyses of black life in the country. That said, he thought that a white European man could be objective (or rather, trustworthy) in his approach, and even more, that such a person could survey white-black relations in the United States “with an entirely fresh mind.”3 Keppel’s advisers had cautioned that scholars from Nazi and colonial European countries likely would provide prejudicial, rather than objective, examinations of white-black relations by equating this social dynamic with majority-minority relations back home. So he zeroed in on the Scandinavian countries, whose populations he presumed to be homogeneous. He gave consideration to Myrdal after a former colleague in philanthropy mentioned him. By then, Myrdal was a celebrated economist on either side of the Atlantic, an experienced policymaker in Sweden, and an adviser to the Rockefeller organizations on the developing social sciences throughout Europe.4 This capable scholar and politician likely seemed ideal to the Carnegie Corporations’s president for several reasons. Keppel not only hoped that the European director would be reliable and offer a fresh take on American race relations but he had made clear to his advisers that he also expected the individual to translate a comprehensive analysis of American race relations into holistic policy prescriptions.5 A respected European social scientist such as Myrdal with experience as a policy expert in a national legislature surely fit this image. As head of the American project between 1938 and 1942, Gunnar Myrdal staffed a team of over 150 social scientists and research assistants across the country (ix–xx).6
955 citations
Book•
25 Nov 1994
TL;DR: Faded Dreams as mentioned in this paper argues that the main obstacles to black gains in other periods have also been government policies and that these policies usually assumed away the race problem or used it against blacks for political purposes.
Abstract: Faded Dreams paints a new and challenging picture of why racial inequality changes in America. The author argues that blacks caught up with whites mainly when government policies, under political pressure by blacks and an important segment of the white community, pushed for greater racial equality. Similarly, the greatest obstacles to black gains in other periods have also been government policies. These policies usually assumed away the race problem or used it against blacks for political purposes. Faded Dreams shows that three dominant views of economic differences between blacks and whites - that blacks are individually responsible for not taking advantage of market opportunities, that the world economy has changed in ways that puts blacks at a tremendous disadvantage compared to whites, and that pervasive racism is holding blacks down - do not adequately explain why blacks made such large gains in the past and stopped making them in the 1980s and 1990s.
108 citations