An Exploration of Collective Meaning-Making among Migrant Workers

TLDR: Kundu et al. as mentioned in this paper conducted a study to understand how migrant workers negotiate these vulnerabilities and whether they could succeed in processes of informal collectivisation based on shared bonds of language and ethnicity.

Abstract: I engaged with workers in India who have migrated from rural districts in the southern state of Karnataka to work in the mess of an academic institute located in a western state of India. These workers faced significant challenges and vulnerabilities due to being part of the unorganised sector. The primary question for my inquiry was to understand how migrant workers negotiated these vulnerabilities and whether they could succeed in processes of informal collectivisation based on shared bonds of language and ethnicity. I interviewed six migrant workers to understand their experiences and difficulties they face. I analysed the data by building themes within and across the interview data. One of the findings of my study is that the collective identity of migrant workers who are involved in preparation of South Indian food items emerged through various symbolic acts in their living and work spaces. Keywords: Migrant Workers, Language Struggles, Interpretive Study People migrate in order to improve their economic well-being and escape from poverty (Kundu & Sarangi, 2007). In this study, I seek to understand how migrant workers negotiate the vulnerabilities they face. In India, social security is not available for a large number of workers; they are not eligible for provident funds, injury benefits, access to education and housing, or health and old age care. The absence of social security means that workers are forced to look after themselves and migrate to look for employment in the unorganised sector in cities in the hope of obtaining higher wages. This unorganized sector refers to establishments which are not covered under labour laws applicable to factories and other establishments. Typically, the unorganised sector encompasses those establishments which employ less than 10 workers and is growing at an incredible pace, whereas employment opportunities in the organized sector have reduced drastically (RoyChowdhury, 2002). Employees in the unorganised sector do not have job security, wage revision, and other benefits. Workers in the unorganised sector lack both the legal entitlement to fair wages and other benefits and consequently, they are extremely disempowered (RoyChowdhury, 2005). Adding to their woes is the long and unregulated hours of work. The unorganised sector, especially the food sector, is mostly dominated by migrants. While the state enacted legislation for the social security of unorganised or informal workers in 2008, it has been criticised by civil society and organizations representing collectives of workers. The legislation does not regulate conditions of employment and wages for informal workers, thus life and disability insurance, health and maternity benefits, and old age care are not expected to reach a majority of the informal workers. Though the government has many welfare schemes, they are hardly sufficient to meet the many needs of the marginalised sections of Indian society. The dilution of government’s anti-poverty initiatives after liberalisation, privatisation, and globalisation (Soederberg, 2001) increased migration to urban areas where workers accepted jobs with low security, abysmal wages, and very poor working conditions. Since the migrants have lower literacy rates and come from impoverished socio-economic backgrounds, they are considered to be more vulnerable in society (Vijay, 2005). Being in a new place without any social support adds to