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Journal ArticleDOI

Aristotle and the Arabs: The Aristotelian Tradition in Islam

About: This article is published in The American Historical Review.The article was published on 1970-04-01. It has received 80 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Islam.
Citations
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Book
01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the role of money in the theft of time and space in the history of Europe, and the role that money played in the collapse of Europe and the domination of Asia.
Abstract: Introduction Part I: 1. Who stole what? Time and space 2. Antiquity: no markets, but did they invent politics, freedom and the alphabet? 3. Feudalism: transition to capitalism or the collapse of Europe and the domination of Asia 4. Asiatic despots, in Turkey and elsewhere? Part II: 5. Science and civilization in Renaissance Europe 6. The theft of 'civilization': Elias and Absolutist Europe 7. The theft of 'capitalism': Braudel and global comparison Part III: 8. The theft of institutions, towns and universities 9. The appropriation of values: humanism, democracy and individualism 10. Stolen love: European claims to the emotions 11. Last words Bibliography.

278 citations

Book
29 Aug 1987
TL;DR: Menocal as discussed by the authors argues that major modifications of the medieval canon and its literary history are necessary and examines the Arabic cultural presence in a variety of key settings, including the courts of William of Aquitaine and Frederick II, the universities in London, Paris, and Bologna, and Cluny under Peter the Venerable.
Abstract: Arabic culture was a central and shaping phenomenon in medieval Europe, yet its influence on medieval literature has been ignored or marginalized for the last two centuries. In this ground-breaking book, now returned to print with a new afterword by the author, Maria Rosa Menocal argues that major modifications of the medieval canon and its literary history are necessary. Menocal reviews the Arabic cultural presence in a variety of key settings, including the courts of William of Aquitaine and Frederick II, the universities in London, Paris, and Bologna, and Cluny under Peter the Venerable, and she examines how our perception of specific texts including the courtly love lyric and the works of Dante and Boccaccio would be altered by an acknowledgment of the Arabic cultural component.

133 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 May 1988
TL;DR: The idea of empire detached from its gentile anchorage acquired Roman-Christian universality in the 8th and 9th centuries as mentioned in this paper, when the Frankish kings Pippin and Charlemagne successfully mobilised two elites, the higher clergy of the Franciscan Church and the frankish aristocracy.
Abstract: For ideas of kingship, the period c. 750 to c. 1150 was no longer one of beginnings but of consolidation. It saw the formation of a single culture in an expanded Latin Christendom. It began with the incorporation of significant Spanish and insular contributions into the mainstream of western political thought, and it ended with new contributions from as far afield as Bohemia and Denmark. The history of the period was dominated first by the Frankish Empire, then by states that succeeded to or were profoundly influenced by it. Its creation strengthened in the short run the traditional elements in barbarian kingship, successful leadership of the people ( gens ) in wars of conquest and plunder bringing Frankish domination of other gentes. Hence the hegemonial idea of empire, of the emperor ruling many peoples and realms, arose directly from the political experience of the eighth-century West. In the longer run power devolved to kingdoms that proved durable, without a gentile identity or an economic base in plunder and tribute. This brought new formulations of the realm as a territorial and sociological entity, the aristocracy sharing power and responsibility with the king. The idea of empire detached from its gentile anchorage acquired Roman-Christian universality. In the eighth century the Frankish kings Pippin and Charlemagne successfully mobilised two elites, the higher clergy of the Frankish Church and the Frankish aristocracy. Power-sharing was built into the fabric of the Carolingian Empire though it was masked at first by a community of interest that evoked a chorus of praise for rulers evidently possessed of divine approval.

105 citations

Jens Høyrup1
01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: In this article, the authors introduce a notion of the "price of production" which is mathematically equivalent to what Marx had developed on the foundation of the labour value theory in volume III of Das Kapital (published only in 1894 by Engels) when confronting the problem of real market prices.
Abstract: claims with real quantified laws). In order to solve this problem, one has to introduce a notion of the “price of production”, for which it holds true that producers will continue to supply the market with such goods that can be produced in unlimited quantity as long as the price they anticipate exceeds their price of production. Such a notion was introduced by Alfred Marshall in 1890 in his Principles of Economics [Marshall 1949]. As it turns out, Marshall’s determination of this price is mathematically equivalent to what Marx had developed on the foundation of the labour value theory in volume III of Das Kapital (published only in 1894 by Engels) when confronting the problem of real market prices (more precisely, the equilibrium prices toward around which real prices fluctuate – Marx’s thinking was dynamic, that of Marshall static). Ideology and political whitewashing were thus no longer the only determinants of the content and results of theory. Marshall’s general aim was still to prove that the prevailing economic system was optimal. He did so by combining arguments from mathematical curves with verbal exposition (shifting to the latter when the outcome of his mathematics threatened to make conflicts with his intended conclusion too glaring. But even Marshall was not the end point of the marginalist development. In 1933, Marshall’s most brilliant student Joan Robinson showed in her Economics of Imperfect competition (second edition [J. Robinson 1969]) that his methods and arguments when taken seriously lead to a conclusion that diverges strongly from what Marshall had believed. As she shows, an economy where each sector is dominated by a small number of agents (since decades the actual situation in the capitalist economy) will 1662 In one such case, Marshall [1949: 380 n.1] claims that “abstract reasonings [...] are apt to be misleading, not only in detail, but even in their general effect [...]. Some [...] follow their mathematics boldly, but apparently without noticing that their premises lead inevitably to the conclusion that, whatever firm first gets a good start will obtain a monopoly of the whole business of its trade in its district”. What made Marshall reject this conclusion was not that it was contradicted by empirical evidence; monopolization was indeed the unmistakeable trend since decades when Marshall wrote. The problem was that this “inevitable” conclusion following from “bold” use of Marshall’s mathematics not only contradicted his ideal picture but also eliminated the basis for many of his arguments. A brief postlude 1243 never operate optimally on global terms if each agent optimizes his behaviour according to his private interests. Beyond providing monopolists with conceptual tools that allow them to determine better than by instinct alone what their private interests ask for, Joan Robinson’s theory thus showed that the “invisible hand” is less beneficial than proclaimed by Jevons and Marshall. Though no full theory of the economic crisis that had broken out, Joan Robinson provided part of the explanation. The optimistic aspect of the moral is thus that even a mediocre contribution which gains undeserved prestige may, if only further work is done seriously and critically – that is, in agreement with the general norms for decent scientific work – become fruitful in the longer run. Done seriously and critically, scientific practice may then provide both functioning technical knowledge and such insights as can serve enlightenment purposes. (The pessimistic aspect is of course that may does not entail must.) One may like or dislike the uses to which the technical knowledge is put, but we must recognize that the production of applicable knowledge has been seen since the 17th century as one of the properties that characterizes valid science. Whoever does not welcome insights that can serve enlightenment purposes does not deserve the name of an intellectual.

92 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: How medical authorities in medieval Islamic society understood and analyzed Greek authorities on the differences between men and women and their mutual contributions to the process of reproduction is explored.
Abstract: This study explores how medical authorities in medieval Islamic society understood and analyzed Greek authorities on the differences between men and women and their mutual contributions to the process of reproduction. As this research illustrates, such thinkers' interpretations of sex differences did not form a consistent corpus, and were in fact complex and divergent, reflecting, and contributing to, the social and cultural constructs of gender taken up by European authors in the Middle Ages. While some scholars have argued for a "one sex" view of human beings in the medieval period, a close reading of Islamic medical authors shows that the plurality and complexity of ideas about sex differences and the acceptance of the flexibility of barriers between the sexes make it difficult to assume that the biological knowledge about sex differences formed a unitary ideological foundation for a system of gender hierarchy. It is clear, however, that whatever their differences, medieval Islamic discussions of sex differences implicitly or explicitly emphasized the inferiority of the female body.

81 citations

References
More filters
Book
01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the role of money in the theft of time and space in the history of Europe, and the role that money played in the collapse of Europe and the domination of Asia.
Abstract: Introduction Part I: 1. Who stole what? Time and space 2. Antiquity: no markets, but did they invent politics, freedom and the alphabet? 3. Feudalism: transition to capitalism or the collapse of Europe and the domination of Asia 4. Asiatic despots, in Turkey and elsewhere? Part II: 5. Science and civilization in Renaissance Europe 6. The theft of 'civilization': Elias and Absolutist Europe 7. The theft of 'capitalism': Braudel and global comparison Part III: 8. The theft of institutions, towns and universities 9. The appropriation of values: humanism, democracy and individualism 10. Stolen love: European claims to the emotions 11. Last words Bibliography.

278 citations

Book
29 Aug 1987
TL;DR: Menocal as discussed by the authors argues that major modifications of the medieval canon and its literary history are necessary and examines the Arabic cultural presence in a variety of key settings, including the courts of William of Aquitaine and Frederick II, the universities in London, Paris, and Bologna, and Cluny under Peter the Venerable.
Abstract: Arabic culture was a central and shaping phenomenon in medieval Europe, yet its influence on medieval literature has been ignored or marginalized for the last two centuries. In this ground-breaking book, now returned to print with a new afterword by the author, Maria Rosa Menocal argues that major modifications of the medieval canon and its literary history are necessary. Menocal reviews the Arabic cultural presence in a variety of key settings, including the courts of William of Aquitaine and Frederick II, the universities in London, Paris, and Bologna, and Cluny under Peter the Venerable, and she examines how our perception of specific texts including the courtly love lyric and the works of Dante and Boccaccio would be altered by an acknowledgment of the Arabic cultural component.

133 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 May 1988
TL;DR: The idea of empire detached from its gentile anchorage acquired Roman-Christian universality in the 8th and 9th centuries as mentioned in this paper, when the Frankish kings Pippin and Charlemagne successfully mobilised two elites, the higher clergy of the Franciscan Church and the frankish aristocracy.
Abstract: For ideas of kingship, the period c. 750 to c. 1150 was no longer one of beginnings but of consolidation. It saw the formation of a single culture in an expanded Latin Christendom. It began with the incorporation of significant Spanish and insular contributions into the mainstream of western political thought, and it ended with new contributions from as far afield as Bohemia and Denmark. The history of the period was dominated first by the Frankish Empire, then by states that succeeded to or were profoundly influenced by it. Its creation strengthened in the short run the traditional elements in barbarian kingship, successful leadership of the people ( gens ) in wars of conquest and plunder bringing Frankish domination of other gentes. Hence the hegemonial idea of empire, of the emperor ruling many peoples and realms, arose directly from the political experience of the eighth-century West. In the longer run power devolved to kingdoms that proved durable, without a gentile identity or an economic base in plunder and tribute. This brought new formulations of the realm as a territorial and sociological entity, the aristocracy sharing power and responsibility with the king. The idea of empire detached from its gentile anchorage acquired Roman-Christian universality. In the eighth century the Frankish kings Pippin and Charlemagne successfully mobilised two elites, the higher clergy of the Frankish Church and the Frankish aristocracy. Power-sharing was built into the fabric of the Carolingian Empire though it was masked at first by a community of interest that evoked a chorus of praise for rulers evidently possessed of divine approval.

105 citations

Jens Høyrup1
01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: In this article, the authors introduce a notion of the "price of production" which is mathematically equivalent to what Marx had developed on the foundation of the labour value theory in volume III of Das Kapital (published only in 1894 by Engels) when confronting the problem of real market prices.
Abstract: claims with real quantified laws). In order to solve this problem, one has to introduce a notion of the “price of production”, for which it holds true that producers will continue to supply the market with such goods that can be produced in unlimited quantity as long as the price they anticipate exceeds their price of production. Such a notion was introduced by Alfred Marshall in 1890 in his Principles of Economics [Marshall 1949]. As it turns out, Marshall’s determination of this price is mathematically equivalent to what Marx had developed on the foundation of the labour value theory in volume III of Das Kapital (published only in 1894 by Engels) when confronting the problem of real market prices (more precisely, the equilibrium prices toward around which real prices fluctuate – Marx’s thinking was dynamic, that of Marshall static). Ideology and political whitewashing were thus no longer the only determinants of the content and results of theory. Marshall’s general aim was still to prove that the prevailing economic system was optimal. He did so by combining arguments from mathematical curves with verbal exposition (shifting to the latter when the outcome of his mathematics threatened to make conflicts with his intended conclusion too glaring. But even Marshall was not the end point of the marginalist development. In 1933, Marshall’s most brilliant student Joan Robinson showed in her Economics of Imperfect competition (second edition [J. Robinson 1969]) that his methods and arguments when taken seriously lead to a conclusion that diverges strongly from what Marshall had believed. As she shows, an economy where each sector is dominated by a small number of agents (since decades the actual situation in the capitalist economy) will 1662 In one such case, Marshall [1949: 380 n.1] claims that “abstract reasonings [...] are apt to be misleading, not only in detail, but even in their general effect [...]. Some [...] follow their mathematics boldly, but apparently without noticing that their premises lead inevitably to the conclusion that, whatever firm first gets a good start will obtain a monopoly of the whole business of its trade in its district”. What made Marshall reject this conclusion was not that it was contradicted by empirical evidence; monopolization was indeed the unmistakeable trend since decades when Marshall wrote. The problem was that this “inevitable” conclusion following from “bold” use of Marshall’s mathematics not only contradicted his ideal picture but also eliminated the basis for many of his arguments. A brief postlude 1243 never operate optimally on global terms if each agent optimizes his behaviour according to his private interests. Beyond providing monopolists with conceptual tools that allow them to determine better than by instinct alone what their private interests ask for, Joan Robinson’s theory thus showed that the “invisible hand” is less beneficial than proclaimed by Jevons and Marshall. Though no full theory of the economic crisis that had broken out, Joan Robinson provided part of the explanation. The optimistic aspect of the moral is thus that even a mediocre contribution which gains undeserved prestige may, if only further work is done seriously and critically – that is, in agreement with the general norms for decent scientific work – become fruitful in the longer run. Done seriously and critically, scientific practice may then provide both functioning technical knowledge and such insights as can serve enlightenment purposes. (The pessimistic aspect is of course that may does not entail must.) One may like or dislike the uses to which the technical knowledge is put, but we must recognize that the production of applicable knowledge has been seen since the 17th century as one of the properties that characterizes valid science. Whoever does not welcome insights that can serve enlightenment purposes does not deserve the name of an intellectual.

92 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: How medical authorities in medieval Islamic society understood and analyzed Greek authorities on the differences between men and women and their mutual contributions to the process of reproduction is explored.
Abstract: This study explores how medical authorities in medieval Islamic society understood and analyzed Greek authorities on the differences between men and women and their mutual contributions to the process of reproduction. As this research illustrates, such thinkers' interpretations of sex differences did not form a consistent corpus, and were in fact complex and divergent, reflecting, and contributing to, the social and cultural constructs of gender taken up by European authors in the Middle Ages. While some scholars have argued for a "one sex" view of human beings in the medieval period, a close reading of Islamic medical authors shows that the plurality and complexity of ideas about sex differences and the acceptance of the flexibility of barriers between the sexes make it difficult to assume that the biological knowledge about sex differences formed a unitary ideological foundation for a system of gender hierarchy. It is clear, however, that whatever their differences, medieval Islamic discussions of sex differences implicitly or explicitly emphasized the inferiority of the female body.

81 citations