scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question
Journal ArticleDOI

Basic personal values and the meaning of left‐right political orientations in 20 countries.

01 Aug 2011-Political Psychology (Blackwell Publishing Inc)-Vol. 32, Iss: 4, pp 537-561
TL;DR: This article used personal values to elucidate the motivational meanings of "left" and "right" political orientations in 20 representative national samples from the European Social Survey (2002-3) and compared the importance of personal values and socio-demographic variables as determinants of political orientation.
Abstract: This study used basic personal values to elucidate the motivational meanings of ‘left’ and ‘right’ political orientations in 20 representative national samples from the European Social Survey (2002-3). It also compared the importance of personal values and socio-demographic variables as determinants of political orientation. Hypotheses drew on the different histories, prevailing culture, and socio-economic level of 3 sets of countries—liberal, traditional and post-communist. As hypothesized, universalism and benevolence values explained a left orientation in both liberal and traditional countries and conformity and tradition values explained a right orientation; values had little explanatory power in post-communist countries. Values predicted political orientation more strongly than socio-demographic variables in liberal countries, more weakly in post-communist countries, and about equally in traditional countries.

Summary (1 min read)

I. INTRODUCTION

  • Hydrogen has attracted enormous research attention as a future energy resource.
  • Recently, increasing attention has been paid to the carbon nanotube as a potential hydrogen storage medium due to its light mass density and high surface to volume ratio, as well as high degrees of reactivity between the carbon and hydrogen. [1] [2] [3] [4].
  • One possible reason for this controversy is that SWCNTs can be either semiconductor or metal, depending on their diameters and helicities.
  • The authors recently studied the adsorption of hydrogen atoms on BN nanotubes.
  • The calculation results offer an explanation to the enhanced percentage of hydrogen chemisorption observed in the experiment.

II. MODEL SYSTEM AND COMPUTATIONAL METHODS

  • The calculations were carried out by using the densityfunctional method implemented in the DMOL3 package.
  • 24 Allelectron calculations were undertaken with the double numerical plus polarization ͑DNP͒ basis sets and the generalized-gradient approximation with the Perdew-Burke-Ernzerhof ͑PBE͒ functional.
  • The real-space global cutoff radius of all atoms was set to be 5.5 Å. Spin-unrestricted DFT was used to obtain all the results reported below.
  • The tube axis is set along the z direction.
  • 26 Test calculations showed that increasing the k points has little change in the final results.

III. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

  • First, the authors examined the adsorption site on which a Pt atom can give rise to the highest adsorption energy on the single-walled ͑8, 0͒ BN nanotube.
  • It turns out that the Pt atom is more stable on the BA site than on the BZ site.
  • Here, the minus adsorption energy denotes exothermic adsorption.
  • On the other hand, the authors also obtained a locally stable configuration such that the adsorbed hydrogen is in the atomic form.
  • As the second hydrogen molecule approaches the Pt-doped BN nanotube, initially, it is physically adsorbed onto the Pt atom with small adsorption energy of −0.023 eV, as shown in Fig. 3͑a͒ .

IV. CONCLUSION

  • The authors have presented DFT calculation results of hydrogen adsorption on the BN nanotube doped with a Pt atom or a Pt dimer ͑per supercell͒.
  • The Pt atom tends to occupy the BA site of the BN nanotube.
  • The doping of the Pt atom induces one unoccupied and five occupied impurity states within the band gap.
  • Up to two hydrogen molecules can be chemically adsorbed on a single Pt atom supported by the BN nanotube, for which the average adsorption energy is −0.365 eV.
  • With adsorption of a hydrogen molecule, the interaction between the Pt atom and the BN tube is weakened.

Did you find this useful? Give us your feedback

Content maybe subject to copyright    Report

University of Zurich
Zurich Open Repository and Archive
Winterthurerstr. 190
CH-8057 Zurich
http://www.zora.uzh.ch
Year: 2011
Basic personal values and the meaning of left-right political
orientations in 20 countries
Piurko, Y; Schwartz, S H; Davidov, E
http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2011.00828.x.
Postprint available at:
http://www.zora.uzh.ch
Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich.
http://www.zora.uzh.ch
Originally published at:
Piurko, Y; Schwartz, S H; Davidov, E (2011). Basic personal values and the meaning of left-right political
orientations in 20 countries. Political Psychology:Epub ahead of print.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2011.00828.x.
Postprint available at:
http://www.zora.uzh.ch
Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich.
http://www.zora.uzh.ch
Originally published at:
Piurko, Y; Schwartz, S H; Davidov, E (2011). Basic personal values and the meaning of left-right political
orientations in 20 countries. Political Psychology:Epub ahead of print.

Basic personal values and the meaning of left-right political
orientations in 20 countries
Abstract
This study used basic personal values to elucidate the motivational meanings of ‘left' and ‘right' political
orientations in 20 representative national samples from the European Social Survey (2002-3). It also
compared the importance of personal values and socio-demographic variables as determinants of
political orientation. Hypotheses drew on the different histories, prevailing culture, and socio-economic
level of 3 sets of countries—liberal, traditional and post-communist. As hypothesized, universalism and
benevolence values explained a left orientation in both liberal and traditional countries and conformity
and tradition values explained a right orientation; values had little explanatory power in post-communist
countries. Values predicted political orientation more strongly than socio-demographic variables in
liberal countries, more weakly in post-communist countries, and about equally in traditional countries.

Basic Personal Values and the Meaning of Left-Right
Political Orientations in 20 Countries
Yuval Piurko and Shalom H. Schwartz
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel
and
Eldad Davidov
University of Zurich, Switzerland
This is a pre-copy-editing, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for
publication in Political Psychology, following peer review.
The final publication is available at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com,
under URL: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-
9221.2011.00828.x/abstract,
or
under DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9221.2011.00828.x
Keywords: Values, Left-Right, Political Orientations, Liberal, Traditional,
Post-Communist Countries

1
Abstract
This study used basic personal values to elucidate the motivational meanings of ‘left’ and
‘right’ political orientations in 20 representative national samples from the European Social
Survey (2002-3). It also compared the importance of personal values and socio-demographic
variables as determinants of political orientation. Hypotheses drew on the different histories,
prevailing culture, and socio-economic level of 3 sets of countries—liberal, traditional and
post-communist. As hypothesized, universalism and benevolence values explained a left
orientation in both liberal and traditional countries and conformity and tradition values
explained a right orientation; values had little explanatory power in post-communist
countries. Values predicted political orientation more strongly than socio-demographic
variables in liberal countries, more weakly in post-communist countries, and about equally in
traditional countries.

2
Personal values appear increasingly central to political orientations (Caprara &
Zimbardo, 2004; Feldman, 1988; Franklin, Mackie & Valen, 1992). People use personal
values to organize and prioritize their beliefs and feelings regarding political issues, to make
and justify political decisions, and to communicate about politics (Caprara, et al., 2006;
Feldman, 2003; Schwartz, Caprara, & Vecchione, 2010; Sniderman, Brody & Tetlock, 1991).
Numerous scholars see values as the building blocks or principles underlying political
ideologies (e.g., Converse, 1964; Feldman, 1988; Rokeach, 1973; Schwartz et al., 2010). Jost
et al. (2003) presented a social cognition framework that draws on psychological needs,
expressed in values, to account for differences in political orientation.
The current study examines the role of basic personal values in left-right political
orientations. It analyzes data from 20 countries that participated in the first round of the
European Social Survey (ESS). We address two aspects of the role of values. First, we use
people’s basic value priorities to shed light on variation in the motivational meaning of the
left-right political dimension across countries. This dimension has been used to summarize
political agendas in countries around the world, but its meanings may vary across countries
and political contexts (Greenberg & Jonas, 2003; Huber & Inglehart, 1995; Knutsen, 1998;
Thorisdottir et al., 2007). Relations of left and right orientations to people’s value priorities
can reveal the motivational meaning of the left-right dimension.
Second, we assess the relative importance of basic personal values and of socio-
demographic variables as determinants of left-right political orientation. Some scholars
suggest that values have replaced social structural position and group loyalties as the critical
determinants of voting behavior (Caprara & Zimbardo, 2004; Caprara et al., 2006; Schwartz,
et al., 2010). They found that personal values accounted for more variance in voting and
voting intentions in Italy and the USA than socio-demographic variables did. We test the

Citations
More filters
01 Jan 1998

1,502 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the concept of cross-group measurement equivalence, look at possible sources of nonequivalence and suggest ways to prevent it, and examine the social science methodological literature for ways to empirically test for measuring equivalence.
Abstract: Determining whether people in certain countries score differently in measurements of interest or whether concepts relate differently to each other across nations can indisputably assist in testing theories and advancing our sociological knowledge. However, meaningful comparisons of means or relationships between constructs within and across nations require equivalent measurements of these constructs. This is especially true for subjective attributes such as values, attitudes, opinions, or behavior. In this review, we first discuss the concept of cross-group measurement equivalence, look at possible sources of nonequivalence, and suggest ways to prevent it. Next, we examine the social science methodological literature for ways to empirically test for measurement equivalence. Finally, we consider what may be done when equivalence is not supported by the data and conclude with a review of recent developments that offer exciting directions and solutions for future research in cross-national measurement equiva...

471 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argues that one organizing element of the many differences between liberals and conservatives is the nature of their physiological and psychological responses to features of the environment that are negative, and suggests approaches for refining understanding of the broad relationship between political views and response to the negative.
Abstract: Disputes between those holding differing political views are ubiquitous and deep-seated, and they often follow common, recognizable lines. The supporters of tradition and stability, sometimes referred to as conservatives, do battle with the supporters of innovation and reform, sometimes referred to as liberals. Understanding the correlates of those distinct political orientations is probably a prerequisite for managing political disputes, which are a source of social conflict that can lead to frustration and even bloodshed. A rapidly growing body of empirical evidence documents a multitude of ways in which liberals and conservatives differ from each other in purviews of life with little direct connection to politics, from tastes in art to desire for closure and from disgust sensitivity to the tendency to pursue new information, but the central theme of the differences is a matter of debate. In this article, we argue that one organizing element of the many differences between liberals and conservatives is the nature of their physiological and psychological responses to features of the environment that are negative. Compared with liberals, conservatives tend to register greater physiological responses to such stimuli and also to devote more psychological resources to them. Operating from this point of departure, we suggest approaches for refining understanding of the broad relationship between political views and response to the negative. We conclude with a discussion of normative implications, stressing that identifying differences across ideological groups is not tantamount to declaring one ideology superior to another.

409 citations


Cites background from "Basic personal values and the meani..."

  • ...Compared with the modern era, existence then was much more likely to be terminated prematurely at the hands of other human beings or by accidents involving wild animals or natural disasters (Pinker 2011)....

    [...]

  • ...…who are physiologically and psychologically responsive to negative stimuli will tend to endorse public policies that minimize tangible threats by giving prominence to past, traditional solutions, by limiting human discretion (or endorsing institutions, such as the free market, that do not require…...

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
John T. Jost1
TL;DR: This article found that significant ideological asymmetries exist with respect to dogmatism, cognitive/perceptual rigidity, personal needs for order/structure/closure, integrative complexity, tolerance of ambiguity/uncertainty, need for cognition, cognitive reflection, self-deception, and subjective perceptions of threat.
Abstract: Individuals are not merely passive vessels of whatever beliefs and opinions they have been exposed to; rather, they are attracted to belief systems that resonate with their own psychological needs and interests, including epistemic, existential, and relational needs to attain certainty, security, and social belongingness. Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, and Sulloway (2003) demonstrated that needs to manage uncertainty and threat were associated with core values of political conservatism, namely respect for tradition and acceptance of inequality. Since 2003 there have been far more studies on the psychology of left-right ideology than in the preceding half century, and their empirical yield helps to address lingering questions and criticisms. We have identified 181 studies of epistemic motivation (involving 130,000 individual participants) and nearly 100 studies of existential motivation (involving 360,000 participants). These databases, which are much larger and more heterogeneous than those used in previous meta-analyses, confirm that significant ideological asymmetries exist with respect to dogmatism, cognitive/perceptual rigidity, personal needs for order/structure/closure, integrative complexity, tolerance of ambiguity/uncertainty, need for cognition, cognitive reflection, self-deception, and subjective perceptions of threat. Exposure to objectively threatening circumstances—such as terrorist attacks, governmental warnings, and shifts in racial demography—contribute to modest “conservative shifts” in public opinion. There are also ideological asymmetries in relational motivation, including the desire to share reality, perceptions of within-group consensus, collective self-efficacy, homogeneity of social networks, and the tendency to trust the government more when one's own political party is in power. Although some object to the very notion that there are meaningful psychological differences between leftists and rightists, the identification of “elective affinities” between cognitive-motivational processes and contents of specific belief systems is essential to the study of political psychology. Political psychologists may contribute to the development of a good society not by downplaying ideological differences or advocating “Swiss-style neutrality” when it comes to human values, but by investigating such phenomena critically, even—or perhaps especially—when there is pressure in society to view them uncritically.

374 citations

Book ChapterDOI
13 Feb 2007

310 citations

References
More filters
Book
28 Apr 1989
TL;DR: The General Model, Part I: Latent Variable and Measurement Models Combined, Part II: Extensions, Part III: Extensions and Part IV: Confirmatory Factor Analysis as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Model Notation, Covariances, and Path Analysis. Causality and Causal Models. Structural Equation Models with Observed Variables. The Consequences of Measurement Error. Measurement Models: The Relation Between Latent and Observed Variables. Confirmatory Factor Analysis. The General Model, Part I: Latent Variable and Measurement Models Combined. The General Model, Part II: Extensions. Appendices. Distribution Theory. References. Index.

19,019 citations

Book
01 Jan 1957
TL;DR: Downs presents a rational calculus of voting that has inspired much of the later work on voting and turnout as discussed by the authors, particularly significant was his conclusion that a rational voter should almost never bother to vote.
Abstract: Downs presents a rational calculus of voting that has inspired much of the later work on voting and turnout. Particularly significant was his conclusion that a rational voter should almost never bother to vote. This conclusion, especially as elaborated on by Riker and Ordeshook (1968) has shifted the attention of modern political scientists from explaining why people don't vote to explaining why they do.

14,677 citations

Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the universals in the content and structure of values, concentrating on the theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries, and its four basic issues: substantive contents of human values; identification of comprehensive set of values; extent to which the meaning of particular values was equivalent for different groups of people; and how the relations among different values was structured.
Abstract: Publisher Summary This chapter addresses the universals in the content and structure of values, concentrating on the theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries, and its four basic issues: substantive contents of human values; identification of comprehensive set of values; extent to which the meaning of particular values was equivalent for different groups of people; and how the relations among different values was structured. Substantial progress has been made toward resolving each of these issues. Ten motivationally distinct value types that were likely to be recognized within and across cultures and used to form value priorities were identified. Set of value types that was relatively comprehensive, encompassing virtually all the types of values to which individuals attribute at least moderate importance as criteria of evaluation was demonstrated. The evidence from 20 countries was assembled, showing that the meaning of the value types and most of the single values that constitute them was reasonably equivalent across most groups. Two basic dimensions that organize value systems into an integrated motivational structure with consistent value conflicts and compatibilities were discovered. By identifying universal aspects of value content and structure, the chapter has laid the foundations for investigating culture-specific aspects in the future.

12,151 citations


"Basic personal values and the meani..." refers background or methods in this paper

  • ...Research in over seventy cultural groups has validated the motivationally distinct content of these ten values and the relations of conflict and compatibility among them (Schwartz, 1992, 2006b; Schwartz & Boehnke, 2004)....

    [...]

  • ...The Schwartz (1992) value theory identifies the following ten broad personal values, each defined in terms of the distinct motivational goals that it expresses....

    [...]

  • ...This study adopts the Schwartz (1992, 2006b) approach to basic personal values that specifies a set of values presumed to cover the full range of human motivations....

    [...]

  • ...A growing consensus defines basic values as cognitive representations of desirable, trans-situational goals, varying in importance, that serve as guiding principles in the life of a person or group (Schwartz, 1992, 2006b)....

    [...]

  • ...Adapted with permission from Schwartz (1992). 3 Basic Values and Meaning of Left-Right...

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the change in the goodness-of-fit index (GFI) when cross-group constraints are imposed on a measurement model and found that the change was independent of both model complexity and sample size.
Abstract: Measurement invariance is usually tested using Multigroup Confirmatory Factor Analysis, which examines the change in the goodness-of-fit index (GFI) when cross-group constraints are imposed on a measurement model. Although many studies have examined the properties of GFI as indicators of overall model fit for single-group data, there have been none to date that examine how GFIs change when between-group constraints are added to a measurement model. The lack of a consensus about what constitutes significant GFI differences places limits on measurement invariance testing. We examine 20 GFIs based on the minimum fit function. A simulation under the two-group situation was used to examine changes in the GFIs (ΔGFIs) when invariance constraints were added. Based on the results, we recommend using Δcomparative fit index, ΔGamma hat, and ΔMcDonald's Noncentrality Index to evaluate measurement invariance. These three ΔGFIs are independent of both model complexity and sample size, and are not correlated with the o...

10,597 citations

Book
01 Jan 1973

9,362 citations


"Basic personal values and the meani..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Values and Political Orientations A single dimension, such as left-right, may be insufficient to represent political competition (e.g., Rokeach, 1973)....

    [...]

  • ...Numerous scholars see values as the building blocks or principles underlying political ideologies (e.g., Converse, 1964; Feldman, 1988; Rokeach, 1973; Schwartz et al., 2010)....

    [...]

Frequently Asked Questions (7)
Q1. What are the contributions in "Basic personal values and the meaning of left-right political orientations in 20 countries" ?

This study used basic personal values to elucidate the motivational meanings of ‘ left ' and ‘ right ' political orientations in 20 representative national samples from the European Social Survey ( 2002-3 ). This is a pre-copy-editing, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in Political Psychology, following peer review. 

The socio-demographic variables alone accounted for an average of 6% of the variance in political orientation in the liberal countries. 

In theliberal countries, values explained nearly twice as much variance in political orientation as socio-demographic variables did; in the post-communist countries values explained less than a third of the variance socio-demographic variables did with the exception of the Czech Republic. 

In the post-communist countries, right self-placement covaried positively though notstrongly with tradition values in three of four countries. 

In sum, as hypothesized, values predicted political orientation more strongly thansocio-demographic variables in liberal countries but socio-demographic variables predicted more strongly in three of four post-communist countries. 

The conflict in European liberal democracies between supporters of conservation and maintenance of the hierarchical social order and supporters of welfare and equality reflect these motivations. 

Basic personal values have indeed assumed a more important role than social structuralposition as determinants of political orientations in the liberal countries.