Journal Article•
Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy
About: This article is published in Review of Metaphysics.The article was published on 1997-02-01 and is currently open access. It has received 2568 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Democracy.
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyze how social and environmental disclosure has evolved over the years in Italian universities and aim to understand whether attention to sustainable development has changed over the past few decades.
37 citations
Cites background from "Between Facts and Norms: Contributi..."
...…presuppositions assumed by participants in argumentation indeed open up a perspective allowing them to go beyond local practices of justification and to transcend the provinciality of their spatiotemporal contexts that are inescapable in action and experience” (Habermas, 1996, p. 323)....
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TL;DR: The authors argues that neither approach satisfies what he regards as threshold conditions of determinacy, rank ordering, and completeness that any enforceable system of human rights must possess, and that neither develops an adequate account of group rights, which fulfills subsidiary conditions for realizing human rights under specific conditions.
Abstract: It is well known that Rawls and Habermas propose different strategies for justifying and classifying human rights. The author argues that neither approach satisfies what he regards as threshold conditions of determinacy, rank ordering, and completeness that any enforceable system of human rights must possess. A related concern is that neither develops an adequate account of group rights, which the author argues fulfills subsidiary conditions for realizing human rights under specific conditions. This latter defect is especially serious in light of the different but equal roles that both subnational groups as well as supernational organizations play in bringing about a just global distribution of economic resources.
37 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the law and politics of asylum in Europe and explore both the construction of "Fortress Europe" and the resistance within Europe to the dominant policy response.
Abstract: This article examines the law and politics of asylum in Europe. The aim is to explore both the construction of ‘Fortress Europe’ and the resistance within Europe to the dominant policy response. Hu...
36 citations
01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: In this paper, a bagage conceptuel permettant d'operationnaliser l'analyse des rapports sociaux de sexe de maniere a favoriser le renouvellement theorique en relations industrielles.
Abstract: La these a deux objectifs. Elle vise, dans un premier temps, a ameliorer les connaissances sur l'experience de la grossesse au travail. Dans un deuxieme temps, la these propose un bagage conceptuel permettant d'operationnaliser l'analyse des rapports sociaux de sexe de maniere a favoriser le renouvellement theorique en relations industrielles. La recherche actuelle en relations industrielles interroge peu les raisons sous-jacentes aux difficultes pour le marche du travail de tenir compte des aspects « dits » plus prives de la vie des femmes, comme la grossesse. Ces lacunes posent la necessite d'integrer le regard theorique feministe et d'incorporer une analyse tenant compte des rapports sociaux de sexe dans l'analyse en relations industrielles. Pour faciliter l'operationnalisation du cadre theorique retenu, nous integrons les concepts de la democratie, du pouvoir et des ressources tels que definis par la theorie de la structuration. Nos resultats qui s'appuient sur le recit d'experience de 28 infirmieres ayant beneficie d'un retrait preventif pour 10 centres hospitaliers quebecois ainsi que sur le recit des 10 gestionnaires et des 9 representantes syndicales qui sont impliques dans la gestion du retrait preventif pour ces memes hopitaux ont permis, sous la loupe des cadres theoriques et operationnels retenus, de rendre visibles les manifestations des rapports sociaux de sexe dans les lieux de travail. Ainsi, les travailleuses enceintes, leurs representantes syndicales et les gestionnaires (influencees par les representations de la grossesse au travail et les regles (pratiques) entourant la gestion du retrait preventif en organisation) agissent de facon paradoxale a l'egard de la conciliation travail/grossesse. Elles peuvent agir sur les representations et les regles et ainsi abaisser les effets des rapports sociaux de sexe en facilitant le maintien en emploi des travailleuses enceintes dans des conditions respectant leurs competences, leur sante et celle de leurs enfants a naitre. Au contraire, leurs actions peuvent contribuer a maintenir, ou parfois meme, reaffirmer les structures de domination lorsqu'elles ne favorisent pas la mise en place de conditions favorables pour la conciliation travail/grossesse et qu'elles conduisent les travailleuses enceintes a se retirer du travail.
36 citations
Additional excerpts
...Habermas (1996) de même que le philosophe marxiste Andy Blunden96 reprochent à Giddens d’associer la démocratisation de la démocratie à la promotion d’intérêts « dits plus privés » (dans notre cas l’acceptation de la grossesse au travail)....
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TL;DR: The psychological and discursive preconditions that agents must manifest to meet Habermas's conditions as participants in communicative rationality are exceptionally demanding as discussed by the authors, requiring individuals to have clear, unfettered access to their own reasoning, possessing clear preference rankings and defendable rationales for their goals and values.
Abstract: Habermas's elaboration of a procedural, discursive deliberative democracy extends from his faith in communicative action, in symmetrical communicative interactions played out in an arena of communicative rationality. Yet Habermas expects too much of his agents. His theory of communicative action, built upon the necessary possession of communicative rationality, requires individuals to have clear, unfettered access to their own reasoning, possessing clear preference rankings and defendable rationales for their goals and values. Without such understandings, agents would have no reasons to extend or defend their positions in a discursive interchange; no validity claims are redeemable between communicative participants if the agent cannot access, substantiate or understand their own rationality. The psychological and discursive preconditions that agents must manifest to meet Habermas's conditions as participants in communicative rationality are exceptionally demanding. This paper brings empirical res...
36 citations
References
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TL;DR: In this comprehensive social theory of the Internet and the networked information economy, Benkler describes how patterns of information, knowledge, and cultural production are changing--and shows that the way information and knowledge are made available can either limit or enlarge the ways people can create and express themselves.
Abstract: With the radical changes in information production that the Internet has introduced, we stand at an important moment of transition, says Yochai Benkler in this thought-provoking book. The phenomenon he describes as social production is reshaping markets, while at the same time offering new opportunities to enhance individual freedom, cultural diversity, political discourse, and justice. But these results are by no means inevitable: a systematic campaign to protect the entrenched industrial information economy of the last century threatens the promise of today's emerging networked information environment. In this comprehensive social theory of the Internet and the networked information economy, Benkler describes how patterns of information, knowledge, and cultural production are changing--and shows that the way information and knowledge are made available can either limit or enlarge the ways people can create and express themselves. He describes the range of legal and policy choices that confront us and maintains that there is much to be gained--or lost--by the decisions we make today.
4,002 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors develop a framework for understanding the range of institutional possibilities for public participation, including who participates, how participants communicate with one another and make decisions together, and how discussions are linked with policy or public action.
Abstract: The multifaceted challenges of contemporary governance demand a complex account of the ways in which those who are subject to laws and policies should participate in making them. This article develops a framework for understanding the range of institutional possibilities for public participation. Mechanisms of participation vary along three important dimensions: who participates, how participants communicate with one another and make decisions together, and how discussions are linked with policy or public action. These three dimensions constitute a space in which any particular mechanism of participation can be located. Different regions of this institutional design space are more and less suited to addressing important problems of democratic governance such as legitimacy, justice, and effective administration.
1,526 citations
01 Dec 2000
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the current debate about the nature of democracy and discuss the main theses of the approach called "deliberative democracy" in its two main versions, the one put forward by John Rawls, and the other one put forth by Jurgen Habermas.
Abstract: This article examines the current debate about the nature of democracy and discusses the main theses of the approach called 'deliberative democracy' in its two main versions, the one put forward by John Rawls, and the other one put forwardby Jurgen Habermas. While agreeing with them as regards to the need to develop a more of democracy than the one offered by the 'aggregative' model, I submit that they do not provide an adequate understanding of the main task of democracy. No doubt, by stating that democracy cannot be reduced to a question of procedures to mediate among conflicting interests, deliberative democrats defend a conception of democracy that presents a richer conception of politics. But, albeit in a different way thanthe view they criticize, their vision is also a rationalist one which leaves aside the crucial role played by 'passions' and collective forms of identifications in the field of politics. Moreover, in their attempt to reconcile the liberal tradition with the democratic one, deliberative democrats tend to erase the tension that exist between liberalism and democracy and they are therefore unable to come to terms with the conflictual nature of democratic politics. The main thesis that I put forward in this article is that democratic theory needs to acknowledge the ineradicability of antagonism and the impossibility of achieving a fully inclusive rational consensus. I argue that a model of democracy in terms of 'agonistic pluralism' can help us to better envisage the main challenge facing democratic politics today: how to create democratic forms of identifications that will contribute to mobilize passions towards democratic designs.;
1,338 citations
TL;DR: Public diplomacy, as the diplomacy of the public, not of the government, intervenes in this global public sphere, laying the ground for traditional forms of diplomacy to act beyond the strict negotiation of power relationships by building on shared... as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The public sphere is the space of communication of ideas and projects that emerge from society and are addressed to the decision makers in the institutions of society. The global civil society is the organized expression of the values and interests of society. The relationships between government and civil society and their interaction via the public sphere define the polity of society. The process of globalization has shifted the debate from the national domain to the global debate, prompting the emergence of a global civil society and of ad hoc forms of global governance. Accordingly, the public sphere as the space of debate on public affairs has also shifted from the national to the global and is increasingly constructed around global communication networks. Public diplomacy, as the diplomacy of the public, not of the government, intervenes in this global public sphere, laying the ground for traditional forms of diplomacy to act beyond the strict negotiation of power relationships by building on shared...
936 citations
Book•
05 Oct 2012
TL;DR: Tweets and the Streets as mentioned in this paper examines the relationship between the rise of social media and the emergence of new forms of protest, arguing that activists' use of Twitter and Facebook does not fit with the image of a "cyberspace" detached from physical reality.
Abstract: Tweets and the Streets analyses the culture of the new protest movements of the 21st century. From the Arab Spring to the "indignados" protests in Spain and the Occupy movement, Paolo Gerbaudo examines the relationship between the rise of social media and the emergence of new forms of protest. Gerbaudo argues that activists' use of Twitter and Facebook does not fit with the image of a "cyberspace" detached from physical reality. Instead, social media is used as part of a project of re-appropriation of public space, which involves the assembling of different groups around "occupied" places such as Cairo's Tahrir Square or New York's Zuccotti Park. An exciting and invigorating journey through the new politics of dissent, Tweets and the Streets points both to the creative possibilities and to the risks of political evanescence which new media brings to the contemporary protest experience.
911 citations