scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

Bilingualism and Language Contact in Quebec

08 Sep 2008-
About: The article was published on 2008-09-08 and is currently open access. It has received 9 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Language contact & Neuroscience of multilingualism.
Citations
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A study of how deaf native signers, early and late learners judged BSL sentence grammaticality found that early learners performed worse the later they were exposed to BSL and prelingually deaf late learners may benefit from first language competence in English.

88 citations


Cites background from "Bilingualism and Language Contact i..."

  • ...(even if only a small degree) in the surrounding spoken and/or written language (Ann, 2001; Grosjean, 1992), and there is great heterogeneity in age of both L1 and L2 acquisition, as discussed above....

    [...]

  • ...…for determining L1 in deaf signers is that deaf individuals are typically bilingual to some degree (even if only a small degree) in the surrounding spoken and/or written language (Ann, 2001; Grosjean, 1992), and there is great heterogeneity in age of both L1 and L2 acquisition, as discussed above....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper investigated the extent of bimodal code-mixing in sign languages by investigating the frequency of mouthings produced by deaf users of Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT), their co-occurrence with pointing signs, and whether any differences can be explained by sociolinguistic variables such as regional origin and age of the signer.
Abstract: Code-blends in sign languages consist of simultaneously articulated manual signs and spoken language words. These ‘mouthings’ (typically silent articulations) have been observed for many different sign languages. The present study aims to investigate the extent of such bimodal code-mixing in sign languages by investigating the frequency of mouthings produced by deaf users of Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT), their co-occurrence with pointing signs, and whether any differences can be explained by sociolinguistic variables such as regional origin and age of the signer. We investigated over 10,000 mouth actions from 70 signers, and found that the mouth and the hands are equally active during signing. Moreover, around 80% of all mouth actions are mouthings, while the remaining 20% are unrelated to Dutch. We found frequency differences between individual signers and a small effect for level of education, but not for other sociolinguistic variables. Our results provide genuine evidence that mouthings form an inextricable component of signed interaction. Rather than displaying effects of competition between languages or spoken language suppression, NGT signers demonstrate the potential of the visual modality to conjoin parallel information streams.

26 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors conducted a corpus study to explore how frequently this occurs in NGT and whether there is any sociolinguistic variation in the use of spreading, and they found that spreading over an adjacent sign is independent of social factors.
Abstract: Mouthings and mouth gestures are omnipresent in Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT). Mouthings in NGT are mouth actions that have their origin in spoken Dutch, and are usually time aligned with the signs they co-occur with. Frequently, however, they spread over one or more adjacent signs, so that one mouthing co-occurs with multiple manual signs. We conducted a corpus study to explore how frequently this occurs in NGT and whether there is any sociolinguistic variation in the use of spreading. Further, we looked at the circumstances under which spreading occurs. Answers to these questions may give us insight into the prosodic structure of sign languages. We investigated a sample of the Corpus NGT containing 5929 mouthings by 46 participants. We found that spreading over an adjacent sign is independent of social factors. Further, mouthings that spread are longer than non-spreading mouthings, whether measured in syllables or in milliseconds. By using a relatively large amount of natural data, we succeeded in gaining more insight into the way mouth actions are utilised in sign languages.

24 citations


Cites background from "Bilingualism and Language Contact i..."

  • ...Bank et al. (2011) focused on the 20 most frequent lexical signs of the Amsterdam/Groningen part of the corpus, such as school, deaf and hearing....

    [...]

  • ...Ann, 2001; Lucas & Valli, 1992). There are abundant examples of communities that mostly consist of bilingual speakers (Grosjean, 2010), including minority languages that only have bilingual speakers. Speakers of smaller languages are likely to also know a majority language (de Swaan, 2001). This is in fact what we see in deaf communities, where there is not a single situation in the world where sign language forms the dominant language; see Hiddinga and Crasborn (2011) for a discussion of the global situation of sign languages....

    [...]

  • ...Ann, 2001; Lucas & Valli, 1992). There are abundant examples of communities that mostly consist of bilingual speakers (Grosjean, 2010), including minority languages that only have bilingual speakers. Speakers of smaller languages are likely to also know a majority language (de Swaan, 2001). This is in fact what we see in deaf communities, where there is not a single situation in the world where sign language forms the dominant language; see Hiddinga and Crasborn (2011) for a discussion of the global situation of sign languages. For the present generation of adult deaf signers in western countries, sign language is typically acquired informally from peers in school situations. Only a small minority of deaf people acquire their sign language from signing deaf parents, siblings, or deaf people in their extended family (Mitchell & Karchmer, 2004). Spoken language, by contrast, has typically been taught formally in school programmes to all generations alive today. Deaf education throughout the 20th century has seen a major focus on acquiring spoken language skills, which only in the last two decades has shown a slowly growing attention for sign language as a language of interaction between teachers and children, as a language of instruction, and as a subject language (Rietveld-van Wingerden & Tijsseling, 2010). Outside the western world, there is more variation in the impact of school settings on the acquisition of spoken language, with in certain cases no education for deaf children at all (Zeshan & de Vos, 2012). The most pronounced examples of these situations are ‘deaf villages’ such as those in Bali (de Vos, 2012) where nearly all deaf people are monolingual signers, while a significant part of the hearing population is fluent in both the spoken and the sign language of the village. Martha’s Vineyard (Groce, 1985) is a comparable case; see Nyst (2012) for an overview of such communities around the world. There has recently been increasing attention for the resulting ‘bimodal bilingualism’, the combined knowledge of a spoken and a signed language, especially in the psycholinguistic literature (Emmorey, Borinstein, & Thompson, 2005; Emmorey, Luk, Pyers, & Bialystok, 2008; Hermans, Ormel, & Knoors, 2010). While we tend to think first of all of deaf people as bimodal bilingual, there are substantial numbers of hearing people that acquire a signed and a spoken language from birth: both hearing children of deaf adults (‘CODAs’) and hearing siblings of deaf children in signing families with hearing parents can be considered fully bimodal bilingual, as they have full exposure to both the signed and the spoken language from an early age. Studies on language production of CODAs have shown there to be code-mixing phenomena of the same type as observed in spoken languages (Emmorey et al., 2005). As a result of the bilingual nature of western deaf communities, spoken language items found their way into signers’ communication. In spontaneous signing in Sign Language of the Netherlands (Nederlandse Gebarentaal, NGT), signs are usually accompanied by either mouthings or mouth gestures (e.g. Boyes Braem & Sutton-Spence, 2001; Crasborn, van der Kooij, Waters, Woll, & Mesch, 2008; Schermer, 1990; Vogt-Svendsen, 2001). Mouthings are silently articulated words, or parts of words, originally stemming from the surrounding spoken language. They are, presumably, lexically bound to the manual part of the sign, since they are in general temporally aligned and share the meaning with the manual sign (Bank, Crasborn, & van Hout, 2011; Sutton-Spence, 2007). Mouth gestures are all other linguistically relevant mouth movements that occur with signs. Among the various functions of mouth gestures are adverbial or adjectival functions (such as puffed cheeks with the NGT sign house to indicate the big size of that house), they can enact the manual sign (such as a chewing movement with the sign chew), they can be part of a facial expression (such as an open mouth in a surprised look), or they can add to the phonological well-formedness of the sign (such as the pursed lips with the sign for be-present, cf. Vogt-Svendsen (2001) on Norwegian Sign Language, or Woll (2001) on British Sign Language (BSL))....

    [...]

  • ...Email: r.bank@let.ru.nl daily communication (cf. Ann, 2001; Lucas & Valli, 1992)....

    [...]

  • ...Ann, 2001; Lucas & Valli, 1992). There are abundant examples of communities that mostly consist of bilingual speakers (Grosjean, 2010), including minority languages that only have bilingual speakers. Speakers of smaller languages are likely to also know a majority language (de Swaan, 2001). This is in fact what we see in deaf communities, where there is not a single situation in the world where sign language forms the dominant language; see Hiddinga and Crasborn (2011) for a discussion of the global situation of sign languages. For the present generation of adult deaf signers in western countries, sign language is typically acquired informally from peers in school situations. Only a small minority of deaf people acquire their sign language from signing deaf parents, siblings, or deaf people in their extended family (Mitchell & Karchmer, 2004). Spoken language, by contrast, has typically been taught formally in school programmes to all generations alive today. Deaf education throughout the 20th century has seen a major focus on acquiring spoken language skills, which only in the last two decades has shown a slowly growing attention for sign language as a language of interaction between teachers and children, as a language of instruction, and as a subject language (Rietveld-van Wingerden & Tijsseling, 2010). Outside the western world, there is more variation in the impact of school settings on the acquisition of spoken language, with in certain cases no education for deaf children at all (Zeshan & de Vos, 2012). The most pronounced examples of these situations are ‘deaf villages’ such as those in Bali (de Vos, 2012) where nearly all deaf people are monolingual signers, while a significant part of the hearing population is fluent in both the spoken and the sign language of the village. Martha’s Vineyard (Groce, 1985) is a comparable case; see Nyst (2012) for an overview of such communities around the world....

    [...]

Dissertation
01 Jan 2013

4 citations


Cites background or methods or result from "Bilingualism and Language Contact i..."

  • ...The Sally FB task was based on the false belief task used by Doherty (2000), and was very similar in structure to Peterson and Siegal’s adaptation of BaronCohen et al.’s (1985) Sally-Ann test (Peterson & Siegal, 1995; 1999)....

    [...]

  • ...157 Chapter Five Study 4: Bilingual Theory of Mind Introduction Most deaf people live within a larger society that is dominated by hearing people, with many deaf children having to learn to read and write the spoken language in school (Ann, 2001). Using Grosjean’s (1982) definition of bilingualism, “the regular use of two or more languages” (p....

    [...]

  • ...Further, they found that participants demonstrated age-appropriate spatial planning and organization skills, as well as rule learning and inhibition. Parasnis, Samar, and Berent (2003) found that young deaf adults of hearing...

    [...]

  • ...A false belief may cause an individual to “behave in ways that cannot be predicted or explained by reference to the real situation” (Doherty, 2009, p. 8). False belief task. According to Doherty (2009), the false belief task is “considered to be the diagnostic test of ‘theory of mind’” (p....

    [...]

  • ...Most deaf people live within a larger society that is dominated by hearing people, with many deaf children having to learn to read and write the spoken language in school (Ann, 2001)....

    [...]

References
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A study of how deaf native signers, early and late learners judged BSL sentence grammaticality found that early learners performed worse the later they were exposed to BSL and prelingually deaf late learners may benefit from first language competence in English.

88 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper investigated the extent of bimodal code-mixing in sign languages by investigating the frequency of mouthings produced by deaf users of Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT), their co-occurrence with pointing signs, and whether any differences can be explained by sociolinguistic variables such as regional origin and age of the signer.
Abstract: Code-blends in sign languages consist of simultaneously articulated manual signs and spoken language words. These ‘mouthings’ (typically silent articulations) have been observed for many different sign languages. The present study aims to investigate the extent of such bimodal code-mixing in sign languages by investigating the frequency of mouthings produced by deaf users of Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT), their co-occurrence with pointing signs, and whether any differences can be explained by sociolinguistic variables such as regional origin and age of the signer. We investigated over 10,000 mouth actions from 70 signers, and found that the mouth and the hands are equally active during signing. Moreover, around 80% of all mouth actions are mouthings, while the remaining 20% are unrelated to Dutch. We found frequency differences between individual signers and a small effect for level of education, but not for other sociolinguistic variables. Our results provide genuine evidence that mouthings form an inextricable component of signed interaction. Rather than displaying effects of competition between languages or spoken language suppression, NGT signers demonstrate the potential of the visual modality to conjoin parallel information streams.

26 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors conducted a corpus study to explore how frequently this occurs in NGT and whether there is any sociolinguistic variation in the use of spreading, and they found that spreading over an adjacent sign is independent of social factors.
Abstract: Mouthings and mouth gestures are omnipresent in Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT). Mouthings in NGT are mouth actions that have their origin in spoken Dutch, and are usually time aligned with the signs they co-occur with. Frequently, however, they spread over one or more adjacent signs, so that one mouthing co-occurs with multiple manual signs. We conducted a corpus study to explore how frequently this occurs in NGT and whether there is any sociolinguistic variation in the use of spreading. Further, we looked at the circumstances under which spreading occurs. Answers to these questions may give us insight into the prosodic structure of sign languages. We investigated a sample of the Corpus NGT containing 5929 mouthings by 46 participants. We found that spreading over an adjacent sign is independent of social factors. Further, mouthings that spread are longer than non-spreading mouthings, whether measured in syllables or in milliseconds. By using a relatively large amount of natural data, we succeeded in gaining more insight into the way mouth actions are utilised in sign languages.

24 citations