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Journal ArticleDOI

Brexit, Labour Rights and Migration: Why Wisbech Matters to Brussels

01 Jul 2016-German Law Journal (Cambridge University Press (CUP))-Vol. 17, pp 13-20
TL;DR: In the aftermath of the Brexit referendum of 23 June 2016, the question of migration has been at the forefront of attempts to understand what happened, and in particular why working class communities in many of the regions of England and in parts of Wales, voted predominantly for the Leave side as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In the aftermath of the Brexit referendum of 23 June 2016, the question of migration has been at the forefront of attempts to understand what happened, and in particular why working class communities in many of the regions of England, and in parts of Wales, voted predominantly for the Leave side. Polling data show a weak correlation between areas of the country that voted for Leave and high levels of inward migration from the rest of the EU. The link between immigration and Brexit is very clear in East Anglian agricultural towns like Boston and Wisbech, but otherwise is weak. South Wales and the North East of England, which also saw clear majorities for Leave, are not areas of high EU migration. Instead, they are regions that have experienced successive waves of deindustrialisation since the 1980s. The overriding issue raised by the Brexit vote, in my view, is not migration as such (although that is part of the story), but a wider phenomenon of deepening economic insecurity, and the dangerous political dynamic it has created.

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Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Gap between the EU's normative commitments to socio-economic justice and the practical workings of its integration project is identified in this article, where the authors highlight the potential for strengthening the social EU by recourse to the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.
Abstract: Gap between the EU’s normative commitments to socio-economic justice and the practical workings of its integration project -- Potential for strengthening the social EU by recourse to the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union – Charter normatively commits EU to a constitutionally conditioned Internal Market – Charter curbs property rights and entrepreneurial freedom specifically for the sake of social rights guarantees – Constructive response to legitimacy dilemmas emerging from cases such as Laval, Viking and AGET Iraklis – Reinstating socially embedded constitutionalism at EU levels as an alternative to relegating social integration to national levels

26 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Aug 2017

5 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Aug 2017

3 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2021
TL;DR: Article 26 TFEU dates back to the Single European Act (SEA) of 1986 and was inserted one year later, in the context of the first great revision of the initial EEC Treaty, as Article 8A.
Abstract: Article 26 TFEU dates back to the Single European Act (SEA) of 1986 and was inserted one year later, in the context of the first great revision of the initial EEC Treaty, as Article 8A. The common market is seen as the predecessor of the internal market. Article 2 of the EEC Treaty of 1957 determined that “it shall be the aim of the Community, by establishing a Common Market and progressively approximating the economic policies of Member States, to promote throughout the Community a harmonious development of economic activities, a continuous and balanced expansion, an increased stability, an accelerated raising of the standard of living and closer relations between its Member States.” Following this aim, the EEC Treaty in particular intended the establishment of a common market (Article 8) as well as a customs union (Article 12 et seqq.) and standardised fundamental freedoms in the area of free movement of goods, persons, services and capital (Articles 9–11, 48–73). Furthermore, the Treaty of 1957 anchored the establishment of a system of genuine competition and—if necessary—the harmonisation of the Member States’ legislation. Fundamental freedoms, legislative approximation and the protection of fair competition build since then the constituents of the Single European Market.

2 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The EU Working Time Directive has so far had little impact on an ingrained culture of long-hours working in the UK as discussed by the authors, and case studies suggest that the use of individual opt-outs from the 48-hour limit on weekly working time is a principal reason for this.
Abstract: The EU Working Time Directive has so far had little impact on an ingrained culture of long-hours working in the UK. Case studies suggest that the use of individual opt-outs from the 48-hour limit on weekly working time is a principal reason for this. However, removal of the individual opt-out (currently under consideration at EU level) is unlikely to make much difference to UK practice in the absence of a wider review of working time policy. In particular, the UK’s individualised system of workplace bargaining is currently ill-placed to adapt to a continental European model of working time regulation.

72 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider whether, either by virtue of their own impact or by reason of disparities between two or more countries, some of the legislative and regulatory provisions may have the effect of distorting conditions of competition among the national economies as a whole or in particular branches of economic activity.
Abstract: Leaving aside cases of overt discrimination and interventions aimed at favouring certain firms or modes of production, legislative and regulatory provisions may have such an impact on costs and prices that it will be necessary to consider with the greatest care whether, either by virtue of their own impact or by reason of disparities between two or more countries, some of them may have the effect of distorting conditions of competition among the national economies as a whole or in particular branches of economic activity … But at the same time it will be necessary to identify very precisely the limits of whatever action is necessary, and to dispel certain misunderstandings …

37 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 2011
TL;DR: In this article, the relation entre les systemes de droit du travail and the tendances economiques generales dans les economies of marche developpees, en integrant the crise financiere recente and the recession which en a resulte, is discussed.
Abstract: Resume Cet article envisage la relation entre les systemes de droit du travail et les tendances economiques generales dans les economies de marche developpees, en integrant la crise financiere recente et la recession qui en a resulte. Certaines formes de reglementation juridique du travail, en particulier en matiere de temps de travail et de protection de l’emploi, ont des effets economiques benefiques en termes d’emploi et de productivite dans les regimes de marche coordonnes, ou figurent a la fois un marche des capitaux et des institutions gouvernementales complementaires. Dans un regime de marche liberal par contre, les effets sont plus mitiges : sans institutions complementaires, ces formes de reglementation peuvent induire une croissance de la productivite, mais ceci au detriment de l’emploi. Dans l’ensemble, la proposition selon laquelle la reglementation juridique du travail peserait sur l’efficience du marche du travail n’est pas etablie. Mais les systemes de droit du travail confronte au neoliberalisme n’ont pas reussi a endiguer la montee des inegalites et le declin du syndicalisme. Les inegalites salariales et financieres croissantes, qui ont pris des proportions plus importantes dans les systemes de marche liberaux, ont ete une des raisons menant a la crise financiere de 2009. Dans les conditions actuelles de recession, il y a de bonnes raisons de renforcer la reglementation juridique du travail afin de stabiliser l’emploi et les salaires. A plus long terme, une reorientation du droit du travail, tournant le dos a la politique de flexibilisation, pourrait contribuer au reequilibrage des economies emergeant de cet echec d’un modele neoliberal fonde sur la croissance financiere. La faiblesse actuelle des syndicats dans de nombreux systemes rend cette reorientation moins probable, meme si de nouvelles occasions d’engagement entre les syndicats, les employeurs et les gouvernements pourraient apparaitre si la recession continue.

9 citations