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But They All Come Back: Facing the Challenges of Prisoner Reentry

12 Apr 2005-
TL;DR: Travis as mentioned in this paper proposes organizing the criminal justice system around five principles of reentry to encourage change and spur innovation, and argues that the impact of returning prisoners on families and communities has been largely overlooked.
Abstract: As our justice system has embarked upon one of our time's greatest social experiments?responding to crime by expanding prisons?we have forgotten the iron law of imprisonment: they all come back. In 2002, more than 630,000 individuals left federal and state prisons. Thirty years ago, only 150,000 did. In the intense political debate over America's punishment policies, the impact of these returning prisoners on families and communities has been largely overlooked. In But They All Come Back, Jeremy Travis continues his pioneering work on the new realities of punishment in America vis-a-vis public safety, families and children, work, housing, public health, civic identity, and community capacity. Travis proposes organizing the criminal justice system around five principles of reentry to encourage change and spur innovation.
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Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2018
TL;DR: In this article, aktuelle Erkenntnisse aus der kriminologischen Forschung die Bedeutung entlassungsvorbereitender Masnahmen noch im Vollzug und nachsorgender Masahnmen nach der Entlassung belegen.
Abstract: Seit einigen Jahren ist eine Diskussion um eine verbesserte und evidenzbasierte Wiedereingliederungsstrategie fur Haftentlassene entbrannt. Neben den weit verbreiteten Perspektiven einer risikoorientierten bzw. evidenzbasierten Wiedereingliederung sind in den letzten Jahren auch vermehrt starken- und bedurfnisorientierte Modelle in den Fokus der wissenschaftlichen Debatte geraten. So konnten aktuelle Erkenntnisse aus der kriminologischen Forschung die Bedeutung entlassungsvorbereitender Masnahmen noch im Vollzug und nachsorgender Masnahmen nach der Entlassung belegen. Diese neuen Tendenzen haben die Frage nach der besten Strategie einer am Resozialisierungsgrundsatz ausgerichteten Wiedereingliederungsstrategie aufgeworfen.

3 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper showed that the ability of private actors to push for a more securitized state, due to their profit motive, results in a distortion of securitization that negatively impacts the groups it disproportionately targets, such as Latinos, immigrants and Muslims in the U.S.
Abstract: Neoliberal ideology has driven privatization across the globe steadily since the 1970s, advocating that the only way to meet macroeconomic objectives is to privatize public enterprise (Schmitt Journal of Public Policy, 31(1), 95, 1). As a result, market-like mechanisms are now embedded into what was traditionally public domain; this is the context under which immigration enforcement currently operates. Our previous research study showed the prison industrial complex is now also involved in immigration detention as a result of rigorous lobbying, policymaking, managing private contracts, and in the running of immigration detention centers themselves. We add to this line of research by suggesting that the ability of private actors to push for a more securitized state, due to their profit motive, results in a distortion of securitization that negatively impacts the groups it disproportionately targets, such as Latinos, immigrants, and Muslims in the U.S. Our research question is, what is the social and political impact of securitization of immigration in the U.S. on racial, ethnic minorities and immigrants? To do so, we turn to the existing lines of inquiry on prison privatization, its role in growing mass incarceration (due to profit motive), and its social and political effects on minorities in the U.S. because we believe these research areas overlap in a number of ways. Then, we run a series of quantitative analyses using hierarchical regression models to test nationally representative data from 2013 and compare our dependent variables measuring social and political elements across different social groups; our findings show that Latinos and immigrants in the U.S., which represent the groups most vulnerable to securitization, are worse off compared to whites and African Americans, even when controlling for education, income, and age in both social and political aspects.

3 citations

ReportDOI
24 Nov 2020
TL;DR: In this article, the authors presented an estimate of the number of perpetrators involved in the Rwandan Genocide in 1994, based on the authors' own estimation of how many perpetrators were involved.
Abstract: 1 Scott Straus, “How Many Perpetrators Were There in the Rwandan Genocide? An Estimate,” Journal of Genocide Research 6, no. 1 (2004): 85-98. https://doi.org/10.1080/1462352042000194728. 2 Alison Des Forges, Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1999); Lee Ann Fujii, Killing of Neighbors: Webs of Violence in Rwanda (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009); André Guichaoua, From War to Genocide: Criminal Politics in Rwanda, 1990–1994 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2015); Helen M. Hintjens, “Explaining the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda,” The Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 2 (1999): 241-286. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S0022278X99003018; Timothy Longman, Christianity and Genocide in Rwanda (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); VIOLENT EXTREMIST

3 citations