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Journal ArticleDOI

Capitalism and the ethics of sport governance: a history of the board of control for cricket in India

03 Jun 2021-Sport in Society (Routledge)-Vol. 24, Iss: 8, pp 1291-1304
TL;DR: In the twenty-first century, domestic politics has played a key role in determining the behavioural attributes of Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) and hence, it emerged as an intermediary as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the twenty-first century, domestic politics has played a key role in determining the behavioural attributes of Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI). Hence, it emerged as an intermediary ...
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01 Jan 2015

72 citations

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5 citations

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TL;DR: In Pakistan, cricket has always held a significant place as an emblem of national pride and has always been a reliable indicator of the nation's fluctuating bilateral relations with India.
Abstract: Cricket in Pakistan has always held a significant place as an emblem of national pride and has always been a reliable indicator of the nation's fluctuating bilateral relations with India. In Cricke...

5 citations

Journal ArticleDOI

[...]

TL;DR: The Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) is one of the biggest, wealthiest and most influential sport governing bodies in the world as mentioned in this paper, and has overseen traditional Test cricket in India.
Abstract: The Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) is one of the biggest, wealthiest and most influential sport governing bodies in the world. The BCCI has overseen traditional Test cricket in India ...

4 citations

References
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Book

[...]

01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a Phenomonology of modernity and post-modernity in the context of trust in abstract systems and the transformation of intimacy in the modern world.
Abstract: Part I:. Introduction. The Discontinuities of Modernity. Security and Danger, Trust and Risk. Sociology and Modernity. Modernity, Time and Space. Disembedding. Trust. The Reflexivity of Modernity. Modernity and Post-- Modernity?. Summary. Part II:. The Institutional Dimensions of Modernity. The Globalizing of Modernity. Two Theoretical Perspectives. Dimensions of Globalization. Part III:. Trust and Modernity. Trust in Abstract Systems. Trust and Expertise. Trust and Ontological Security. The Pre--Modern and Modern. Part IV:. Abstract Systems and the Transformation of Intimacy. Trust and Personal Relations. Trust and Personal Identity. Risk and Danger in the Modern World. Risk and Ontological Security. Adaptive Reactions. A Phenomonology of Modernity. Deskilling and Reskilling in Everyday Life. Objections to Post--Modernity. Part V:. Riding the Juggernaut. Utopian Realism. Future Orientations. The Role of Social Movements. Post--Modernity. Part VI: . Is Modernity and Western Project?. Concluding Observations. Notes.

14,294 citations

Journal ArticleDOI

[...]

TL;DR: It is argued that certain duties of patients counterbalance an otherwise unfair captivity of doctors as helpers and that vulnerability does not exclude obligation.
Abstract: There has been a shift from the general presumption that “doctor knows best” to a heightened respect for patient autonomy. Medical ethics remains one-sided, however. It tends (incorrectly) to interpret patient autonomy as mere participation in decisions, rather than a willingness to take the consequences. In this respect, medical ethics remains largely paternalistic, requiring doctors to protect patients from the consequences of their decisions. This is reflected in a one-sided account of duties in medical ethics. Medical ethics may exempt patients from obligations because they are the weaker or more vulnerable party in the doctor-patient relationship. We argue that vulnerability does not exclude obligation. We also look at others ways in which patients’ responsibilities flow from general ethics: for instance, from responsibilities to others and to the self, from duties of citizens, and from the responsibilities of those who solicit advice. Finally, we argue that certain duties of patients counterbalance an otherwise unfair captivity of doctors as helpers.

9,859 citations

Reference EntryDOI

[...]

29 Feb 2012
TL;DR: The transnational corporation (TNC) as discussed by the authors is a type of group whose members do not directly own the means of production but, nevertheless, directly serve the interests of global capitalism.
Abstract: The transnational capitalist class (TCC) as a theoretical concept and an empirical reality has its origins in theories of capitalist globalization developed since the 1960s. Traditional Marxist theories of the international bourgeoisie tend to be conceptualized in state-centrist terms and to focus mainly on business leaders, usually big capitalists, and their corporations in rich and powerful countries exploiting capitalists, workers and peasants in poor countries. The transnational corporation (TNC), in contrast, transcends national class structures and, for some researchers, includes groups whose members do not directly own the means of production but, nevertheless, directly serve the interests of global capitalism.

911 citations

Posted Content

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Abstract: This paper seeks to review the political economy of the low-level equilibrium trap of slow growth in the Indian economy. Written in the context of Professor Bardhan's 1983 Radhakrishnan lectures, the review makes three sets of observ? ations. First, within the limits of his own analysis, Bardhan has left out a major pressure group, namely, the unionised labour. Secondly, he has under-estimated the economic and political role played by the small-scale industrialists and middle peasants in the political economy of Indian growth. Finally, his analysis in terms of the coalition of the dominant proprietory classes is a static relationship and lacks the historical dimension as to how and why the low level, slow growth equilibrium come about. It is argued that the economic system Bardhan talks about is not viable any more because it can no longer manage the old way the pressures and compulsions it has generated.

689 citations


"Capitalism and the ethics of sport ..." refers background in this paper

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Book

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01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Damodaran as mentioned in this paper traces the social origins of India's capitalist class lie in the institution of caste and shows the different ways by which caste and community have contributed to India's dynamic private sector, capturing in seven chapters the rise of Indian business firms in specific industries and locations.
Abstract: Much of India’s high economic growth has been due to private sector-driven capitalist market development. The social origins of India’s capitalist class lie in the institution of caste. Damodaran shows the different ways by which caste and community have contributed to India’s dynamic private sector, capturing in seven chapters the rise of Indian business firms in specific industries and locations. Historically sensitive, he traces business communities, beginning with the old mercantile families and communities (Chapter 2) that had links with Arab merchants, Central and Southeast Asians and later Europeans before and during colonialism. Next, he examines the evolution of the upper priestly and warrior castes (Brahmins and Khatris) in the North (Chapter 3), the landowning lower castes of Kammas, Reddys and Rajus in the South (Chapter 4), two other groups of Southern business communities (Naidus and Gounders) (Chapter 5), and Nadars and Ezhavas (Chapter 6). In Chapter 7, he discusses the rise of capitalists in the West (the Patidars and Marathas), who emerged from cooperative farming, and in Chapter 8 he tries to answer why the Northern farming capitalists could not transform themselves into industrial capitalists as successfully as those from the landowning communities in the South. In Chapter 9, he discusses the scheduled castes (Dalits) and Muslims, two groups that have been less successful among India’s rising capitalist classes. There are three major pathways by which industrial capitalists (factory owners) have emerged: from bazaar to factory (the old mercantile families), from office to factory (upper literati castes) and from farm to factory (landowners of various castes). Non-trading castes entered business through social relations, networks and extended families, which supported subsequent expansion. Whereas upper castes leveraged their social standing to gain access to capital, lower castes relied on kinship and social networks to promote their castebased communities and families. Trust, cemented by a common caste background, allowed mercantile families to prosper and also allowed international r 2012 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1472-4782 Asian Business & Management Vol. 11, 5, 651–654

118 citations


"Capitalism and the ethics of sport ..." refers background in this paper

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