Careers in context: An international study of career goals as mesostructure between societies' career‐related human potential and proactive career behaviour
University of Bamberg1, Athens University of Economics and Business2, University of Toronto3, University of San Andrés4, Waseda University5, VU University Amsterdam6, University of Tennessee7, Pan-Atlantic University8, Bocconi University9, University of Malawi10, University of Belgrade11, Dublin City University12, Northern Illinois University13, Hansung University14, University of Bath15, University of Victoria16, Toulouse Business School17, Cranfield University18, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven19, BI Norwegian Business School20, Donghua University21, University of Padua22, Lucerne University of Applied Sciences and Arts23, Boston University24, Macquarie University25, Istanbul University26, University of Ljubljana27, Kookmin University28, Simon Fraser University29, Indian Institute of Management Indore30, University of Salzburg31, University of Los Andes32, International Islamic University, Islamabad33, Institute of Management Technology, Ghaziabad34, University of Hamburg35, University of Vaasa36, York University37
TL;DR: In this paper, a survey of 17,986 employees from 27 countries, covering nine of GLOBE's 10 cultural clusters, and national statistical data was used to examine the relationship between societal context and actors' career goals (career mesostructure) and career behaviour (actions).
Abstract: Careers exist in a societal context that offers both constraints and opportunities for career actors. Whereas most studies focus on proximal individual and/or organisational‐level variables, we provide insights into how career goals and behaviours are understood and embedded in the more distal societal context. More specifically, we operationalise societal context using the career‐related human potential composite and aim to understand if and why career goals and behaviours vary between countries. Drawing on a model of career structuration and using multilevel mediation modelling, we draw on a survey of 17,986 employees from 27 countries, covering nine of GLOBE's 10 cultural clusters, and national statistical data to examine the relationship between societal context (macrostructure building the career‐opportunity structure) and actors' career goals (career mesostructure) and career behaviour (actions). We show that societal context in terms of societies' career‐related human potential composite is negatively associated with the importance given to financial achievements as a specific career mesostructure in a society that is positively related to individuals' proactive career behaviour. Our career mesostructure fully mediates the relationship between societal context and individuals' proactive career behaviour. In this way, we expand career theory's scope beyond occupation‐ and organisation‐related factors.
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13 Jan 2010
TL;DR: The 2013 Human Development Index (HDI) as discussed by the authors covers 187 countries, the same number of countries as in 2012 and 2011, and is used to assess the human development of a country.
Abstract: How many countries are included in the 2013 HDI? The 2013 HDI covers 187 countries, the same number as in 2012 and 2011. Maintaining the same number of is the result of intensified efforts by the Human Development Report Office (HDRO) to work with international data providers and national statistical agencies to obtain required development indicators for the HDI which had been unavailable for some countries in previous years. For a full explanation of the results and methodology of the 2013HDI and other indexes in the 2014 Human Development Report, please see the Technical Notes 1-5. What does the HDI tell us? The HDI was created to emphasize that people and their capabilities should be the ultimate criteria for assessing the development of a country, not economic growth alone. The HDI can also be used to question national policy choices, asking how two countries with the same level of GNI per capita can end up with different human development outcomes. For example, Malaysia has GNI per capita higher than Chile but life expectancy at birth is about 5 years shorter, mean years of schooling is shorter and expected years of schooling is 2.5 years shorter resulting in Chile having a much higher HDI value than the Malaysia. These striking contrasts can stimulate debate about government policy priorities. Did the HDI rankings change for many countries in 2013? Based on the consistent data series that were available on 15 November 2013, there are few countries with changed ranks between 2012 and 2013. The HDI values for 2012 and 2013 are given in Table 1 of Statistical Annex. The HDI trends since 1980 are given in Table 2. In this table we also provide the change in ranks between 2008 and 2013. We advise users of the HDR not to compare the results from different Reports, but to use the consistent data given in Table 2 of the latest report. The consistent data are based on the latest data revisions and are obtained using the same methodology. The effect of change in achievements (improvement or declining) in human development indicators of
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21 Jul 2021
TL;DR: The Gini coefficient as discussed by the authors is a more complete measure of income inequality, considering the entire income distribution, and it indicates that income inequality is rising overall, and that the increasing disparity of income in the U.S. over the past 30 years results from skill-biased technological change that has benefited higher-skilled workers.
Abstract: Between 1947 and 1974, income growth was distributed fairly evenly among households in various income groups. However, income inequality has increased over the past 30 or so years. Since the mid-1970s, real income growth for households at the 95th percentile of the distribution has grown at a pace nearly 3/2 times that of households at the 20th percentile. A similar pattern holds between men and women. The Gini coefficient (lower-left chart), a more complete measure of income inequality, considers the entire income distribution. It indicates that income inequality is rising overall. One explanation holds that the increasing disparity of income in the U.S. over the past 30 years results from skill-biased technological change that has benefited higher-skilled workers. The skill-biased hypothesis asserts that technology improvements boost the productivity (and hence the income) of skilled labor by more than it does the unskilled. Since the 1980s, demand for skilled labor has kept pace with the relatively greater supply of skilled workers (as estimated by the rising proportion of college-educated workers), exerting upward pressure on wages for higher-skilled workers. Since the early 1980s, the average real wage has risen roughly 30% for male college graduates and nearly 50% for males with a postgraduate degree. 0 25 50 75 100 125
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TL;DR: Crying out for Change as discussed by the authors is the second book in a three-part series entitled Voices of the Poor, which accounts for the voices from comparative fieldwork among twenty three countries.
Abstract: As the second book in a three-part series entitled Voices of the Poor, "Crying out for Change" accounts for the voices from comparative fieldwork among twenty three countries. Through participatory, and qualitative research methods, the book presents very directly, poor people's own voices, and the realities of their lives. It outlines the multidimensional aspects of well-being, and how poor people see it, highlighting that in material terms, "enough" is not a lot for a good life, and, analyzes social well-being, security, and freedom of choice and action, in contrast to the "ill-being" aspects of material absence, reflecting on the experiences of humiliation, shame, anguish. and grief. The struggle for livelihoods is described through the scarcity of rural production, the diversified cities' bondage, and, the limited opportunities of life, and individual breakthroughs challenging their livelihoods. Further analysis reflect on the inadequacy, isolation, and lack of access to infrastructure; on the health aspects of mind and body; on gender relations in troubled subjugation; on social exclusion; and, on the uncertainties for survival. It finally challenges the meaning of development, and of power, calling for change, from material poverty to adequate assets and livelihoods, from exclusion to inclusion, organization, and empowerment.
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"Careers in context: An internationa..." refers background in this paper
...Here, we follow a call by Deci and Ryan (2012) and Deci et al. (2001) to give greater attention to the more distal macrosocietal context that frames employees' experiences and behaviours in terms of careers (Duberley, Mallon, & Cohen, 2006)....
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14 Nov 2012TL;DR: This book discusses data management in SPSS, model Fit Assessment and Model Comparisons, and Structural Equation Models for Measuring Variability and Change.
Abstract: 1. Data Management in SPSS 1.1 Coding Missing Values 1.2 Exporting an ASCII Data File for Mplus 2. Reading Data into Mplus 2.1 Importing and Analyzing Individual Data (Raw Data) 2.1.1 Basic Structure of the Mplus Syntax and Basic Analysis 2.1.2 Mplus Output for Basic Analysis 2.2 Importing and Analyzing Summary Data (Covariance or Correlation Matrices) 3. Linear Structural Equation Models 3.1 What are Linear SEMs? 3.2 Simple Linear Regression Analysis with Manifest Variables 3.3 Latent Regression Analysis 3.4 Confirmatory Factor Analysis 3.4.1 First-Order CFA 3.4.2 Second-Order CFA 3.5 Path Models and Mediator Analysis 3.5.1 Introduction and Manifest Path Analysis 3.5.2 Manifest Path Analysis in Mplus 3.5.3 Latent Path Analysis 3.5.4 Latent Path Analysis in Mplus 4. Structural Equation Models for Measuring Variability and Change 4.1 Latent State Analysis 4.1.1 LS versus LST Models 4.1.2 Analysis of LS Models in Mplus 4.1.3 Modeling Indicator-Specific Effects 4.1.4 Testing for Measurement Invariance across Time 4.2 LST Analysis 4.3 Autoregressive Models 4.3.1 Manifest Autoregressive Models 4.3.2 Latent Autoregressive Models 4.4 Latent Change Models 4.5 Latent Growth Curve Models 4.5.1 First-Order LGCMs 4.5.2 Second-Order LGCMs 5. Multilevel Regression Analysis 5.1 Introduction to Multilevel Analysis 5.2 Specification of Multilevel Models in Mplus 5.3 Option two level basic 5.4 Random Intercept Models 5.4.1 Null Model (Intercept-Only Model) 5.4.2 One-Way Random Effects of ANCOVA 5.4.3 Means-as-Outcomes Model 5.5 Random Intercept and Slope Models 5.5.1 Random Coefficient Regression Analysis 5.5.2 Intercepts-and-Slopes-as-Outcomes Model 6. Latent Class Analysis 6.1 Introduction to Latent Class Analysis 6.2 Specification of LCA Models in Mplus 6.3 Model Fit Assessment and Model Comparisons 6.3.1 Absolute Model Fit 6.3.2 Relative Model Fit 6.3.3 Interpretability Appendix A: Summary of Key Mplus Commands Discussed in This Book Appendix B: Common Mistakes in the Mplus Input Setup and Troubleshooting Appendix C: Further Readings
661 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the MSEM method outperforms two MLM-based techniques in 2-level models in terms of bias and confidence interval coverage while displaying adequate efficiency, convergence rates, and power under a variety of conditions.
Abstract: Multilevel modeling (MLM) is a popular way of assessing mediation effects with clustered data. Two important limitations of this approach have been identified in prior research and a theoretical rationale has been provided for why multilevel structural equation modeling (MSEM) should be preferred. However, to date, no empirical evidence of MSEM's advantages relative to MLM approaches for multilevel mediation analysis has been provided. Nor has it been demonstrated that MSEM performs adequately for mediation analysis in an absolute sense. This study addresses these gaps and finds that the MSEM method outperforms 2 MLM-based techniques in 2-level models in terms of bias and confidence interval coverage while displaying adequate efficiency, convergence rates, and power under a variety of conditions. Simulation results support prior theoretical work regarding the advantages of MSEM over MLM for mediation in clustered data.
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TL;DR: The fundamental problem of linking human agency and social structure stalks through the history of sociological theory, concerns how to develop an adequate theoretical account which deals simultaneously with men constituting society and the social formation of human agents.
Abstract: The fundamental problem of linking human agency and social structure stalks through the history of sociological theory. Basically it concerns how to develop an adequate theoretical account which deals simultaneously with men constituting society and the social formation of human agents. For any theorist, except the holist, social structure is ultimately a human product, but for any theorist, except advocates of psychologism, this product in turn shapes individuals and influences their interaction. However successive theoretical developments have tilted either towards structure or towards action, a slippage which has gathered in momentum over time. Initially this meant that one element became dominant and the other subordinate: human agency had become pale and ghostly in mid-century functionalism, whilst structure betook an evanescent fragility in the re-flowering of phenomenology. Eventually certain schools of thought repressed the second element almost completely. On the one hand structuralist Marxism and normative functionalism virtually snuffed-out agency-the acting subject became increasingly lifeless whilst the structural or cultural components enjoyed a life of their own, self-propelling or self-maintaining. On the other hand interpretative sociology busily banished the structural to the realm of objectification and facticity-human agency became sovereign whilst social structure was reduced to supine plasticity because of its constructed nature. Although proponents of these divergent views were extremely vociferous, they were also extensively criticized and precisely on the grounds that both structure and action were indispensable in sociological explanation.2 Moreover serious efforts to re-address the problem and to re-unite structure and action had already begun from inside 'the two Sociologies',3 when they were characterized in this manichean way. These attempts emerged after the early sixties from 'general' functionalists,4 'humanistic' marxists5 and from interactionists confronting the existence of strongly patterned conduct.6 Furthermore they were joined in the same decade by a bold attempt
644 citations