Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, Self-Regulation, and Coping

doi:10.1111/CDEP.12013

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Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, Self-Regulation, and Coping

Journal Article•DOI•

Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, Self-Regulation, and Coping

Gary W. Evans¹, Pilyoung Kim²•Institutions (2)

Cornell University¹, University of Denver²

01 Mar 2013-Child Development Perspectives (John Wiley and Sons)-Vol. 7, Iss: 1, pp 43-48

TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe a third, complemen-tary pathway, chronic stress and coping, that may also prove helpful in understanding the developmental impacts of early childhood poverty throughout life.

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Abstract: Poverty is a powerful factor that can alter lifetime developmental trajectories in cognitive, socioemo- tional, and physical health outcomes. Most explanatory work on the underlying psychological processes of how poverty affects development has focused on parental investment and parenting practices, principally responsiveness. Our primary objective in this article was to describe a third, complemen- tary pathway—chronic stress and coping—that may also prove helpful in understanding the developmental impacts of early childhood poverty throughout life. Disadvantaged chil- dren are more likely than their wealthier peers to confront a wide array of physical stressors (e.g., substandard housing, chaotic environments) and psychosocial stressors (e.g., fam- ily turmoil, separation from adult caregivers). As exposure to stressors accumulates, physiological response systems that are designed to handle relatively infrequent, acute environ- mental demands are overwhelmed. Chronic cumulative stres- sors also disrupt the self-regulatory processes that help children cope with external demands.

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Journal Article•DOI•

Early childhood development coming of age: science through the life course

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Maureen M. Black¹, Maureen M. Black², Susan P. Walker³, Lia C. H. Fernald⁴, Christopher T Andersen⁵, Ann M. DiGirolamo⁶, Chunling Lu⁷, Dana Charles McCoy⁵, Günther Fink⁵, Yusra Ribhi Shawar⁸, Jeremy Shiffman⁹, Amanda E. Devercelli¹⁰, Quentin Wodon¹⁰, Emily Vargas-Barón, Sally Grantham-McGregor¹¹ - Show less +11 more•Institutions (11)

RTI International¹, University of Maryland, Baltimore², University of the West Indies³, University of California, Berkeley⁴, Harvard University⁵, Georgia State University⁶, Brigham and Women's Hospital⁷, University of Pennsylvania⁸, American University⁹, World Bank Group¹⁰, University College London¹¹

07 Jan 2017-The Lancet

TL;DR: Recent scientific progress and global commitments to early childhood development are examined, with new neuroscientific evidence linking early adversity and nurturing care with brain development and function throughout the life course.

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1,534 citations

Journal Article•DOI•

Socioeconomic status and executive function: developmental trajectories and mediation.

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Daniel A. Hackman¹, Robert Gallop², Gary W. Evans³, Martha J. Farah¹•Institutions (3)

University of Pennsylvania¹, West Chester University of Pennsylvania², Cornell University³

01 Sep 2015-Developmental Science

TL;DR: Effects of early SES remained consistent through middle childhood, indicating that the relation between early indicators of SES and EF emerges in childhood and persists without narrowing or widening across early and middle childhood.

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Abstract: Childhood socioeconomic status (SES) predicts executive function (EF), but fundamental aspects of this relation remain unknown: the developmental course of the SES disparity, its continued sensitivity to SES changes during that course, and the features of childhood experience responsible for the SES–EF relation. Regarding course, early disparities would be expected to grow during development if caused by accumulating stressors at a given constant level of SES. Alternatively, they would narrow if schooling partly compensates for the effects of earlier deprivation, allowing lower-SES children to ‘catch up’. The potential for later childhood SES change to affect EF is also unknown. Regarding mediating factors, previous analyses produced mixed answers, possibly due to correlation amongst candidate mediators. We address these issues with measures of SES, working memory and planning, along with multiple candidate mediators, from the NICHD Study of Early Childcare (n = 1009). Early family income-to-needs and maternal education predicted planning by first grade, and income-to-needs predicted working memory performance at 54 months. Effects of early SES remained consistent through middle childhood, indicating that the relation between early indicators of SES and EF emerges in childhood and persists without narrowing or widening across early and middle childhood. Changes in family income-to-needs were associated with significant changes in planning and trend-level changes in working memory. Mediation analyses supported the role of early childhood home characteristics in explaining the association between SES and EF, while early childhood maternal sensitivity was specifically implicated in the association between maternal education and planning. Early emerging and persistent SES-related differences in EF, partially explained by characteristics of the home and family environment, are thus a potential source of socioeconomic disparities in achievement and health across development.

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436 citations

Cites background from "Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, ..."

...The chronic, cumulative physical and psychosocial stressors experienced by children in poverty (Evans & Kim, 2013) also are likely to influence PFC development and EF via their impact on stress response systems (e.g. Arnsten, 2009)....
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...Early emerging and persistent SES-related differences in EF, partially explained by characteristics of the home and family environment, are thus a potential source of socioeconomic disparities in achievement and health across development....
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Journal Article•DOI•

Rethinking evidence-based practice and two-generation programs to create the future of early childhood policy.

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Jack P. Shonkoff¹, Philip A. Fisher²•Institutions (2)

Harvard University¹, University of Oregon²

01 Nov 2013-Development and Psychopathology

TL;DR: A framework for elucidating underlying causal mechanisms that explain differences in outcomes is presented, formulating enhanced theories of change about how to shift developmental trajectories, designing creative interventions and rethinking the concept of a two-generation strategy to produce breakthrough impacts are presented.

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Abstract: Half a century of research and program evaluation has fueled a diverse landscape of early childhood policies and practices that produce a range of positive effects on the life prospects of children who face the burdens of significant adversity. Drawing on advances in neurobiology, developmental psychology, developmental psychopathology, and prevention science, this paper presents a framework for elucidating underlying causal mechanisms that explain differences in outcomes, formulating enhanced theories of change about how to shift developmental trajectories, designing creative interventions and rethinking the concept of a two-generation strategy to produce breakthrough impacts, and launching a new era of investment in young children and their families that will achieve greater reductions in intergenerational disparities in learning, behavior, and health than those produced by current best practices. Particular attention is focused on the hypothesis that substantially better outcomes for vulnerable, young children could be achieved by greater attention to strengthening the resources and capabilities of the adults who care for them rather than by continuing to focus primarily on the provision of child-focused enrichment, parenting education, and informal support. Central to achieving this goal is the need to establish an innovation-friendly environment that embraces fast-cycle sharing, supports risk taking, and celebrates learning from failure.

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251 citations

Cites background from "Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, ..."

...In short, the need for innovation is compelling and the potential generativity of an expanded definition of evidence that includes advances in the developmental sciences is enormous....
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...…exposure to excessive noise, and victimization from direct or passive witnessing of violence, among many other factors associated with poverty that can undermine a parent’s ability to engage in more positive interactions with his or her young child on a more consistent basis (Evans & Kim, 2013)....
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...…high levels of stress, unpredictability, and overall chaos in the home environment can compromise the health and development of young children and undermine or even negate the potential benefits that could otherwise be achieved by evidence-based early childhood programs (Evans & Kim, 2013)....
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Journal Article•DOI•

Rethinking the Measurement of Adversity.

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Joshua P. Mersky¹, Colleen E. Janczewski¹, James Topitzes¹•Institutions (1)

University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee¹

01 Feb 2017-Child Maltreatment

TL;DR: Conventional ACEs loaded on two factors, child maltreatment and household dysfunction, though a more complex four-factor solution emerged once new ACEs were introduced, and all ACEs demonstrated acceptable test–retest reliability.

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Abstract: Research on adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) has unified the study of interrelated risks and generated insights into the origins of disorder and disease. Ten indicators of child maltreatment and household dysfunction are widely accepted as ACEs, but further progress requires a more systematic approach to conceptualizing and measuring ACEs. Using data from a diverse, low-income sample of women who received home visiting services in Wisconsin ( N = 1,241), this study assessed the prevalence of and interrelations among 10 conventional ACEs and 7 potential ACEs: family financial problems, food insecurity, homelessness, parental absence, parent/sibling death, bullying, and violent crime. Associations between ACEs and two outcomes, perceived stress and smoking, were examined. The factor structure and test-retest reliability of ACEs was also explored. As expected, prevalence rates were high compared to studies of more representative samples. Except for parent/sibling death, all ACEs were intercorrelated and associated at the bivariate level with perceived stress and smoking. Exploratory factor analysis confirmed that conventional ACEs loaded on two factors, child maltreatment and household dysfunction, though a more complex four-factor solution emerged once new ACEs were introduced. All ACEs demonstrated acceptable test-retest reliability. Implications and future directions toward a second generation of ACE research are discussed.

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201 citations

Cites background from "Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, ..."

...Moreover, while poor children are at an elevated risk of ACEs, poverty itself could be defined as an ACE, given its neurobiological and psychosocial consequences (Evans & Kim, 2013)....
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...Given the known consequences of childhood poverty (Evans & Kim, 2013), it bears repeating that scholars may want to consider not only whether ACEs are more prevalent among the poor but also whether poverty itself should be defined as an ACE....
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Journal Article•DOI•

Childhood Poverty, Cumulative Risk Exposure, and Mental Health in Emerging Adults

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Gary W. Evans¹, Rochelle C. Cassells¹•Institutions (1)

Cornell University¹

01 May 2014-Clinical psychological science

TL;DR: It is demonstrated that part of the reason why early poverty exposure is harmful to mental health among emerging adults is because of elevated cumulative risk exposure assessed at age 13, which is mediated by exposure to a confluence of psychosocial and physical risk factors during adolescence.

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Abstract: One out of four American children are born into poverty, but little is known about the long-term, mental health implications of early deprivation. The more time in poverty from birth-age-9, the worse mental health as emerging adults (n = 196, M = 17.30 years, 53% male). These results maintain independently of concurrent, adult income levels for self-reported externalizing symptoms and a standard learned helplessness behavioral protocol, but internalizing symptoms were unaffected by childhood poverty. We then demonstrate that part of the reason why early poverty exposure is harmful to mental health among emerging adults is because of elevated cumulative risk exposure assessed at age 13. The significant, prospective, longitudinal relations between early childhood poverty and externalizing symptoms plus learned helplessness behavior are mediated, in part, by exposure to a confluence of psychosocial (violence, family turmoil, child separation from family) and physical (noise, crowding, substandard housing) risk factors during adolescence.

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197 citations

Cites background from "Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, ..."

...…covariation between childhood poverty and elevated chronic physiological stress (Blair & Raver, 2012; Evans, Chen, Miller, & Seeman, 2012; Evans & Kim, 2013), it should come as no surprise that brain structure and function appear to be affected by early experiences of poverty (Gianaros &…...
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Journal Article•DOI•

Socioeconomic status and child development.

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Robert H. Bradley¹, Robert F. Corwyn¹•Institutions (1)

University of Arkansas at Little Rock¹

01 Jan 2002-Annual Review of Psychology

TL;DR: A variety of mechanisms linking SES to child well-being have been proposed, with most involving differences in access to material and social resources or reactions to stress-inducing conditions by both the children themselves and their parents.

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Abstract: ▪ Abstract Socioeconomic status (SES) is one of the most widely studied constructs in the social sciences. Several ways of measuring SES have been proposed, but most include some quantification of family income, parental education, and occupational status. Research shows that SES is associated with a wide array of health, cognitive, and socioemotional outcomes in children, with effects beginning prior to birth and continuing into adulthood. A variety of mechanisms linking SES to child well-being have been proposed, with most involving differences in access to material and social resources or reactions to stress-inducing conditions by both the children themselves and their parents. For children, SES impacts well-being at multiple levels, including both family and neighborhood. Its effects are moderated by children's own characteristics, family characteristics, and external support systems.

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4,627 citations

"Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, ..." refers background in this paper

...…children in poverty have less cognitively stimulating environments, with less available print media, fewer age-appropriate toys, fewer informal learning venues, fewer educational digital materials, and more exposure to television (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Evans, 2004)....
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...…physical stressors are correlated with income, including family conflict and turmoil, family dissolution, maternal depression, exposure to violence, as well as elevated parental harshness and diminished parental responsiveness (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Conger & Donnellan, 2007; Grant et al., 2003)....
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...A second pathway linking poverty to human development is the tendency of lower income parents to engage in harsher and less responsive interactions with their children (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Conger & Donnellan, 2007; Grant et al., 2003)....
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...…that can alter developmental trajectories, including cognitive development (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Heckman, 2006), socioemotional development (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Conger & Donnellan, 2007; Grant et al., 2003), and physical health (Chen, Matthews, & Boyce, 2002; Evans, Chen, Miller, &…...
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Journal Article•DOI•

Skill Formation and the Economics of Investing in Disadvantaged Children

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James J. Heckman¹•Institutions (1)

University College Dublin¹

30 Jun 2006-Science

TL;DR: Evidence on the effects of early environments on child, adolescent, and adult achievement and how early inputs strongly affect the productivity of later inputs is summarized.

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Abstract: This paper summarizes evidence on the effects of early environments on child, adolescent, and adult achievement. Life cycle skill formation is a dynamic process in which early inputs strongly affect the productivity of later inputs.

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2,882 citations

"Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, ..." refers background in this paper

...and other markers of disadvantage are powerful variables that can alter developmental trajectories, including cognitive development (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Heckman, 2006), socioemotional development (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Conger & Donnellan, 2007; Grant et al....
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...…of disadvantage are powerful variables that can alter developmental trajectories, including cognitive development (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Heckman, 2006), socioemotional development (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Conger & Donnellan, 2007; Grant et al., 2003), and physical health (Chen,…...
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Journal Article•DOI•

Coping with stress during childhood and adolescence: problems, progress, and potential in theory and research.

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Bruce E. Compas, Jennifer K. Connor-Smith, Heidi Saltzman, Alexandria Harding Thomsen, Martha E. Wadsworth¹ - Show less +1 more•Institutions (1)

Pennsylvania State University¹

01 Jan 2001-Psychological Bulletin

TL;DR: Progress and issues in the study of coping with stress during childhood and adolescence are reviewed, and the relationship between coping and other aspects of responses to stress (e.g., temperament and stress reactivity) is described.

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Abstract: Progress and issues in the study of coping with stress during childhood and adolescence are reviewed. Definitions of coping are considered, and the relationship between coping and other aspects of responses to stress (e.g., temperament and stress reactivity) is described. Questionnaire, interview, and observation measures of child and adolescent coping are evaluated with regard to reliability and validity. Studies of the association of coping with symptoms of psychopathology and social and academic competence are reviewed. Initial progress has been made in the conceptualization and measurement of coping, and substantial evidence has accumulated on the association between coping and adjustment. Problems still remain in the conceptualization and measurement of coping in young people, however, and aspects of the development and correlates of coping remain to be identified. An agenda for future research on child-adolescent coping is outlined.

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2,856 citations

"Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, ..." refers background in this paper

...stressors (Compas et al., 2001)....
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...In contrast, efforts to disengage, such as avoidance or withdrawal, are associated with elevated internalizing and externalizing symptoms in children exposed to various stressors (Compas et al., 2001)....
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Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2004

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Carmen DeNavas-Walt, Bernadette D. Proctor, Cheryl Hill Lee

01 Jan 2005

TL;DR: The US Census Bureau report highlights the increasing poverty and racial inequality in America as mentioned in this paper, showing that the poverty rate increased from 12.5 percent in 2003 to 12.7 percent in 2004; 1.1 million more people -a total of 37 million -lived in poverty in 2004.

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Abstract: This US Census Bureau report highlights the increasing poverty and racial inequality in America. In 2004, 45.8 million people did not have health insurance. The poverty rate increased from 12.5 percent in 2003 to 12.7 percent in 2004; 1.1 million more people - a total of 37 million - lived in poverty in 2004. This rise in poverty came despite economic growth and marks the first time on record that household incomes had failed to increase for five straight years. Black households had the lowest median income; 32.7 percent of the Hispanic population was without health insurance.

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2,022 citations

Environment of childhood poverty

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Gary W. Evans

01 Jan 2006

TL;DR: The accumulation of multiple environmental risks rather than singular risk exposure may be an especially pathogenic aspect of childhood poverty.

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Abstract: Poor children confront widespread environmental inequities. Compared with their economically advantaged counterparts, they are exposed to more family turmoil, violence, separation from their families, instability, and chaotic households. Poor children experience less social support, and their parents are less responsive and more authoritarian. Low-income children are read to relatively infrequently, watch more TV, and have less access to books and computers. Low-income parents are less involved in their children's school activities. The air and water poor children consume are more polluted. Their homes are more crowded, noisier, and of lower quality. Low-income neighborhoods are more dangerous, offer poorer municipal services, and suffer greater physical deterioration. Predominantly low-income schools and day care are inferior. The accumulation of multiple environmental risks rather than singular risk exposure may be an especially pathogenic aspect of childhood poverty.

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1,933 citations

"Childhood Poverty, Chronic Stress, ..." refers background in this paper

...Poor children live in neighborhoods that have less social capital; are exposed to more toxins and pollutants, crime, and street traffic; and have fewer places to engage in physical activity and less access to healthy foods (Evans, 2004)....
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...…children in poverty have less cognitively stimulating environments, with less available print media, fewer age-appropriate toys, fewer informal learning venues, fewer educational digital materials, and more exposure to television (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Evans, 2004)....
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...One reason poverty is inimical for children is because children in poverty have less cognitively stimulating environments, with less available print media, fewer age-appropriate toys, fewer informal learning venues, fewer educational digital materials, and more exposure to television (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Evans, 2004)....
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