Book•
China and Central Asia
01 Jan 1995-
About: The article was published on 1995-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 23 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Far East & East Asia.
Citations
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TL;DR: The authors pointed out that a historicism and Eurocentrism has become synonymous with the beginning as well as the end of what we understand as international relations, and that rationalist theorizing in general, of both the neorealist and neoliberal persuasions, has produced a set of deductive theories that aim and claim to transcend history.
Abstract: Two criticisms have long been directed at the theorization of international relations (IR): ahistoricism and Eurocentrism Westphalia, it is argued, has been so stigmatized that it has become synonymous with the beginning as well as the end of what we understand as international relations Rationalist theorizing in general, of both the neorealist and neoliberal persuasions, has produced a set of deductive theories that aim and claim to transcend history
138 citations
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Sperling and Sperling as discussed by the authors discuss the threats of contested national identities and weak state structures in Eurasia, Douglas Blum ethnic conflict and Eurasian security, Stuart Kaufman Eurasia and the transnational terrorist threats to Atlantic security, Phil Williams transboundary water management and security in Central Asia, Stuart Horsman energy resources in Central Asian - a dormant source of conflict in Sino-American relations.
Abstract: Introduction: Eurasian security governance - new threats, institutional adaptation?, James Sperling. Part One Security threats: contested national identities and weak state structures in Eurasia, Douglas Blum ethnic conflict and Eurasian security, Stuart Kaufman Eurasia and the transnational terrorist threats to Atlantic security, Phil Williams transboundary water management and security in Central Asia, Stuart Horsman energy resources in Central Asia - a dormant source of conflict in Sino-American relations, JaeWoo Choo. Part Two Institutions of security governance: geopolitical constraints and institutional innovation - the dynamics of multilateralism in Eurasia, Sean Kay the OSCE role in Eurasian security, P. Terrence Hopmann paths to peace for NATO's partnerships in Eurasia, Joshua B. Spero Russia, the CIS, and Eurasian interconnections, John P. Willerton and Geoffrey Cockerham the Black Sea Economic Cooperation - what contribution to regional security?, Panagiota Manoli the European Union and Eurasia - a bounded security role in greater Europe, Simon Serfaty, Conclusion: reflections on Eurasian security, David P. Calleo.
44 citations
TL;DR: The authors proposes a Neo-tributary framework for systematically interpreting historical Chinese mentalities and strategies embedded in China's contemporary power strategy, and provides an alternative perspective featuring analytic categories rooted in the tributary tradition.
Abstract: Two analytical perspectives – conventional wisdom derived from warlordism and European colonialism, and soft-power concepts drawn from post-Cold-War American international relations – are prevalent lenses for analysing China's global rise. However, neither considers the role of the past in shaping China's contemporary diplomacy. This paper fills the gap of this under-researched area by providing an alternative perspective featuring analytic categories rooted in China's tributary tradition. It proposes a neo-tributary framework for systematically interpreting historical Chinese mentalities and strategies embedded in China's contemporary power strategy.
41 citations
Cites background from "China and Central Asia"
...Thus, cultivating a benevolent image was a political imperative that addressed Chinese rulers’ fundamental need to secure the basis of their power; foreigners’ apparent acceptance of Chinese cultural superiority, prestige and moral recognition was crucial to the state’s legitimacy (Fletcher 1968)....
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Dissertation•
10 Nov 2014
TL;DR: In this article, an analysis of China's foreign policy towards Central Asia to trace the culture of China’s foreign policy has been provided, which is explained by studying the evolution of China identity and interests and the role of significant events that affect its perceptions of self and that are a prescription for its policy orientations as observed in case of foreign policy toward Central Asia.
Abstract: The present study provides an analysis of China’s foreign policy towards Central Asia to trace ‘culture of China’s foreign policy’. The culture of China’s foreign policy approach deals with China as an identity and process rather than being static or within boundaries. The present research highlights China’s multilateral and cooperative policies in Central Asia and with Russia as an outcome of evolutionary process of construction of China’s identity. The complex process of building relations with Central Asian region although within a short period of time (in post-Soviet context) are analysed to make a case for China’s innovative (partially) political processes of dealing with frontier security and embracing multilateralism. This is explained by studying the evolution of China’s identity and interests and the role of significant events that affect its perceptions of self and that are a prescription for its policy orientations as observed in case of foreign policy towards Central Asia. The theoretical foundation of Peter Katzenstein thesis is helpful premises upon which an argument in favour of the discourse of identity and security is developed to see how culture of national security of China and ‘complementarity’ of Central Asian states is at work in security cooperation seen among these states. By problematizing the notion of ‘national interest’, the present study argues that interests of the states can be contextualized in a broader environment referred as civilization to trace the relationship between interests and identities of China as at play in Central Asian region. By placing the political state of ‘China’ in the broader context of civilization and as evolving, helps understand how Chinese political spectrum seeks to construct and maintain a great power identity while locating ‘self’ against ‘others’. It further argues that the cooperative and multilateral policies of China in form of Shanghai Cooperation Organization can be understood best by studying how the configurations of identity of China has guided the policy formation process; that constructs and reconstructs interstate normative structure in form of SCO.
38 citations
TL;DR: Wang et al. as discussed by the authors examined a past regional hegemon, the Ming-Qing Dynasty (1368-1644), to examine Chinese strategic behavior. But their focus was on the present, fourth rise of China and not the past.
Abstract: Much has been written about China’s rise, yet from a historical perspective, China’s rise is nothing new. Historian Wang Gungwu points out three past instances: the Qin–Han unification, the Sui–Tang reunification, and the Ming–Qing dynasties. The present, fourth rise of China ‘needs to be seen in a longer perspective’. What can we learn from China’s rich historical experience? The polity that we now know as China was the most powerful state and a regional hegemon during certain periods of East Asian history. How did China behave in the region when it had preponderant power? Did China expand when strong? And how did China manage its hegemony to stay on top? As the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) is the only period from the fall of the Tang dynasty in 907 until the end of the Qing dynasty in 1912 when a native or non-alien Chinese dynasty dominated East Asia, this feature alone makes the Ming dynasty a good vehicle for examining Chinese strategic behaviour. By examining a past regional hegemon, this article offers a first-cut at the longer historical perspective on the rise of China. International relations (IR) theory in the past two decades tends to focus on states’ resistance to a concentration of power. Scholars debate over whether or not balances of power recurrently form or whether or not a balancing coalition against the United States, the current unipolar leader, will emerge. This focus on power balancing, albeit important, overlooks a
24 citations
References
More filters
TL;DR: The authors pointed out that a historicism and Eurocentrism has become synonymous with the beginning as well as the end of what we understand as international relations, and that rationalist theorizing in general, of both the neorealist and neoliberal persuasions, has produced a set of deductive theories that aim and claim to transcend history.
Abstract: Two criticisms have long been directed at the theorization of international relations (IR): ahistoricism and Eurocentrism Westphalia, it is argued, has been so stigmatized that it has become synonymous with the beginning as well as the end of what we understand as international relations Rationalist theorizing in general, of both the neorealist and neoliberal persuasions, has produced a set of deductive theories that aim and claim to transcend history
138 citations
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Sperling and Sperling as discussed by the authors discuss the threats of contested national identities and weak state structures in Eurasia, Douglas Blum ethnic conflict and Eurasian security, Stuart Kaufman Eurasia and the transnational terrorist threats to Atlantic security, Phil Williams transboundary water management and security in Central Asia, Stuart Horsman energy resources in Central Asian - a dormant source of conflict in Sino-American relations.
Abstract: Introduction: Eurasian security governance - new threats, institutional adaptation?, James Sperling. Part One Security threats: contested national identities and weak state structures in Eurasia, Douglas Blum ethnic conflict and Eurasian security, Stuart Kaufman Eurasia and the transnational terrorist threats to Atlantic security, Phil Williams transboundary water management and security in Central Asia, Stuart Horsman energy resources in Central Asia - a dormant source of conflict in Sino-American relations, JaeWoo Choo. Part Two Institutions of security governance: geopolitical constraints and institutional innovation - the dynamics of multilateralism in Eurasia, Sean Kay the OSCE role in Eurasian security, P. Terrence Hopmann paths to peace for NATO's partnerships in Eurasia, Joshua B. Spero Russia, the CIS, and Eurasian interconnections, John P. Willerton and Geoffrey Cockerham the Black Sea Economic Cooperation - what contribution to regional security?, Panagiota Manoli the European Union and Eurasia - a bounded security role in greater Europe, Simon Serfaty, Conclusion: reflections on Eurasian security, David P. Calleo.
44 citations
TL;DR: The authors proposes a Neo-tributary framework for systematically interpreting historical Chinese mentalities and strategies embedded in China's contemporary power strategy, and provides an alternative perspective featuring analytic categories rooted in the tributary tradition.
Abstract: Two analytical perspectives – conventional wisdom derived from warlordism and European colonialism, and soft-power concepts drawn from post-Cold-War American international relations – are prevalent lenses for analysing China's global rise. However, neither considers the role of the past in shaping China's contemporary diplomacy. This paper fills the gap of this under-researched area by providing an alternative perspective featuring analytic categories rooted in China's tributary tradition. It proposes a neo-tributary framework for systematically interpreting historical Chinese mentalities and strategies embedded in China's contemporary power strategy.
41 citations
Dissertation•
10 Nov 2014
TL;DR: In this article, an analysis of China's foreign policy towards Central Asia to trace the culture of China’s foreign policy has been provided, which is explained by studying the evolution of China identity and interests and the role of significant events that affect its perceptions of self and that are a prescription for its policy orientations as observed in case of foreign policy toward Central Asia.
Abstract: The present study provides an analysis of China’s foreign policy towards Central Asia to trace ‘culture of China’s foreign policy’. The culture of China’s foreign policy approach deals with China as an identity and process rather than being static or within boundaries. The present research highlights China’s multilateral and cooperative policies in Central Asia and with Russia as an outcome of evolutionary process of construction of China’s identity. The complex process of building relations with Central Asian region although within a short period of time (in post-Soviet context) are analysed to make a case for China’s innovative (partially) political processes of dealing with frontier security and embracing multilateralism. This is explained by studying the evolution of China’s identity and interests and the role of significant events that affect its perceptions of self and that are a prescription for its policy orientations as observed in case of foreign policy towards Central Asia. The theoretical foundation of Peter Katzenstein thesis is helpful premises upon which an argument in favour of the discourse of identity and security is developed to see how culture of national security of China and ‘complementarity’ of Central Asian states is at work in security cooperation seen among these states. By problematizing the notion of ‘national interest’, the present study argues that interests of the states can be contextualized in a broader environment referred as civilization to trace the relationship between interests and identities of China as at play in Central Asian region. By placing the political state of ‘China’ in the broader context of civilization and as evolving, helps understand how Chinese political spectrum seeks to construct and maintain a great power identity while locating ‘self’ against ‘others’. It further argues that the cooperative and multilateral policies of China in form of Shanghai Cooperation Organization can be understood best by studying how the configurations of identity of China has guided the policy formation process; that constructs and reconstructs interstate normative structure in form of SCO.
38 citations
TL;DR: Wang et al. as discussed by the authors examined a past regional hegemon, the Ming-Qing Dynasty (1368-1644), to examine Chinese strategic behavior. But their focus was on the present, fourth rise of China and not the past.
Abstract: Much has been written about China’s rise, yet from a historical perspective, China’s rise is nothing new. Historian Wang Gungwu points out three past instances: the Qin–Han unification, the Sui–Tang reunification, and the Ming–Qing dynasties. The present, fourth rise of China ‘needs to be seen in a longer perspective’. What can we learn from China’s rich historical experience? The polity that we now know as China was the most powerful state and a regional hegemon during certain periods of East Asian history. How did China behave in the region when it had preponderant power? Did China expand when strong? And how did China manage its hegemony to stay on top? As the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) is the only period from the fall of the Tang dynasty in 907 until the end of the Qing dynasty in 1912 when a native or non-alien Chinese dynasty dominated East Asia, this feature alone makes the Ming dynasty a good vehicle for examining Chinese strategic behaviour. By examining a past regional hegemon, this article offers a first-cut at the longer historical perspective on the rise of China. International relations (IR) theory in the past two decades tends to focus on states’ resistance to a concentration of power. Scholars debate over whether or not balances of power recurrently form or whether or not a balancing coalition against the United States, the current unipolar leader, will emerge. This focus on power balancing, albeit important, overlooks a
24 citations