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Journal ArticleDOI

Conflict, claim and contradiction in the new ‘indigenous’ state of Bolivia

10 Jun 2014-Critique of Anthropology (SAGE Publications)-Vol. 34, Iss: 2, pp 153-173
TL;DR: In this article, a conceptual distinction between inclusive national indigeneity for the majority which seeks to co-opt the state and a concept of indigenoity for a minority which needs protection from the state is proposed.
Abstract: Recent conflict between indigenous people and a self-styled indigenous state in Bolivia has brought to the fore some of the paradoxes and contradictions within the concept of indigeneity itself. The contemporary politics of state sponsored indigeneity in Bolivia has as much capacity to create new inequalities as it does to address old ones and there is a conceptual deficit in understanding contemporary indigenous rights claims, in particular as they relate to the state. Anthropologists are understandably reluctant to define indigeneity in any objective way, but as indigeneity discourses proliferate, we need some conceptual tools to distinguish between competing rights claims based on indigeneity. I propose a conceptual distinction between inclusive national indigeneity for the majority which seeks to co-opt the state and a concept of indigeneity for a minority which needs protection from the state. Only by looking at the kinds of claims people make through the rhetoric of indigeneity can we make sense of ...

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desiguALdades.net
Research Network on Interdependent
Inequalities in Latin America
Working Paper Series
Working Paper, No. 22, 2012
Conict, Claim and Contradiction in the
New Indigenous State of Bolivia
Andrew Canessa


Working Paper, No. 22, 2012
Conict, Claim and Contradiction in the
New Indigenous State of Bolivia
Andrew Canessa

desiguALdades.net Working Paper Series
Published by desiguALdades.net Research Network on Interdependent Inequalities in Latin America
The desiguALdades.net Working Paper Series serves to disseminate rst results of ongoing research
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Copyright for this edition: Andrew Canessa
Editing and Production: Sérgio Costa / Barbara Göbel / Laura Kemmer / Simón Ramírez / Paul Talcott
All working papers are available free of charge on our website www.desiguALdades.net.
Canessa, Andrew 2012: “Conict, Claim and Contradiction in the New Indigenous State of Bolivia”,
desiguALdades.net Working Paper Series, No. 22, Berlin: desiguALdades.net Research Network
on Interdependent Inequalities in Latin America.
The paper is a revised version of the keynote speech delivered by Andrew Canessa at the Second
Annual Conference of desiguALdades.net, “New Differences, Persistent Inequalities? Latin American
Experiences“, Berlin, December 8-9, 2011.
desiguALdades.net Research Network on Interdependent Inequalities in Latin America cannot be
held responsible for errors or any consequences arising from the use of information contained in this
Working Paper; the views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author or authors and do not
necessarily reect those of desiguALdades.net.

desiguALdades.net Working Paper Series, No. 21, 2012 | 5
Conict, Claim and Contradiction in the New Indigenous
State of Bolivia
Andrew Canessa
1
Abstract
Recent conict between indigenous people and a self-styled indigenous state in Bolivia
has brought to the fore some of the paradoxes and contradictions within the concept
of indigeneity itself. The contemporary politics of state sponsored indigeneity in Bolivia
has as much capacity to create new inequalities as it does to address old ones and
there is a conceptual decit in understanding contemporary indigenous rights claims,
in particular, as they relate to the state. I reject Peter Geschiere’s (2009) suggestion
that one should distinguish between ‘autochthony’ and ‘indigeneity’ but am inspired
by these arguments to suggest that one needs to make a critical distinction between
the kinds of claims different indigenous people make against the state. Of interest
here are the consequences of indigeneity being transformed from being a language of
resistance to a language of governance. I propose a conceptual distinction between
inclusive national indigeneity for the majority which seeks to co-opt the state through
accessing the language of governance and a minority concept of indigeneity which
needs protection from the state and continues to use indigeneity as a language of
resistance. Only by looking at the kinds of claims people make through the rhetoric
of indigeneity can we make sense of the current indigenous conict in Bolivia and
elsewhere.
Keywords: Indigeneity | The State | Justice
Biographical Notes
Andrew Canessa, Fellow of desiguALdades.net, is a social anthropologist at the
University of Essex and Director of the Centre for Latin American and Caribbean Studies.
He has conducted eldwork in highland Bolivia since 1989 and published widely on
issues of gender, indigenous identities, race, and mobilization. In recent years he has
worked on the use of archaeology in imagining and constructing indigenous futures
(‘Sitios Antiguos y Nuevas Ciudadanías: El uso de la arqueología para crear autonomía
autóctona en Bolivia’, in: Orobitg, Gemma (ed.): Autoctonía, poder local y espacio
global frente a la noción de ciudadanía, Barcelona, 2012 and ‘Globalised Indigeneities:
New Identities for the Twenty First Century’, LACES 2012). Among his most recent
books are Intimate Indigeneities: Exploring Race, Sex and History in the Small Spaces
of Andean Life (Duke 2012) which is the culmination of twenty years’ eldwork in an
Aymara village. Also forthcoming (with Aída Hernández) is Hacia un futuro Indígena
en Mesoamérica y los Andes: Género, Complementariedades y Exclusiones (IWGIA &
Abya Yala 2012), a collaboration with scholars and indigenous activists looking at the
gender issues across indigenous movements.
1
I am grateful to Esther López, Nancy Postero and Maria Sapignoli and for comments on an earlier
draft and for the comments and editorial suggestions from Sérgio Costa and Paul Talcott from
desiguALdades.net. Comments about this version should be sent to canessa@essex.ac.uk.

Citations
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Abstract: As emerging economies experience a boom in capital inflows, governments are increasingly concerned about their downsides. Even the IMF (International Monetary Fund), long a stalwart proponent of financial liberalization, has engaged in a new debate on capital flow management. Drawing lessons from empirical case studies on Brazil and South Korea, this paper finds that the new IMF framework remains insufficient in two main aspects. First, by defining ‘capital flow management measures’ (CFMs) as a temporary instrument embedded in an overall strategy of financial opening, the organization insists on the general advantages of financial liberalization, which poses serious limits to emerging economies’ policy space. Second, the Fund keeps on stressing a separation of prudential financial regulation, which should be permanent, and temporary CFMs. Yet, the case studies presented here show that, especially for emerging markets with rather open and sophisticated domestic financial markets, both types of measures are interdependent and overlapping. Additionally, we demonstrate the relevance of a third type of regulation, lying on foreign exchange (FX) derivatives instruments, which may also be required to effectively manage foreign investors’ portfolio reallocations and their impact.

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors find that the new IMF framework remains insufficient in two main aspects: first, by defining "Capital Flow Management Measures" (CFMs) as a temporary instrument embedded in an overall strategy of financial opening, the organization insists on the general advantages of financial liberalization, which poses serious limits to emerging economies' policy space.
Abstract: As emerging economies experience a boom in capital inflows, governments are increasingly concerned about their downsides. Even the IMF (International Monetary Fund), long a stalwart proponent of financial liberalization, has engaged in a new debate on capital flow management. Drawing lessons from empirical case studies on Brazil and South Korea, this paper finds that the new IMF framework remains insufficient in two main aspects. First, by defining ‘capital flow management measures’ (CFMs) as a temporary instrument embedded in an overall strategy of financial opening, the organization insists on the general advantages of financial liberalization, which poses serious limits to emerging economies’ policy space. Second, the Fund keeps on stressing a separation of prudential financial regulation, which should be permanent, and temporary CFMs. Yet, the case studies presented here show that, especially for emerging markets with rather open and sophisticated domestic financial markets, both types of measures are...

92 citations

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01 Jan 2012
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a case study in which an environmentally dispossessed group has implemented a novel ethnic strategy based on the concepts of "ancestrality" and "peoplehood" in order to demand collective mangrove land titles, and thus, gain more control over their natural resources.
Abstract: In recent years the Latin American region has become a stage for the emergence of new indigeneities, that is, the organization of new political subjects based on new typologies of indigenous identities that challenge the narrow constructions of indigeneity that require fixed geographic or cultural-racial characteristics. This paper aims to contribute to this growing research and literature as it presents a case study in which an environmentally dispossessed group has implemented a novel ethnic strategy based on the concepts of “ancestrality” and “peoplehood” in order to demand collective mangrove land titles, and thus, gain more control over their natural resources. In particular, it addresses the reasons explaining why the mangrove gatherers’ grassroots movement in Ecuador has declared itself to be the Pueblos Ancestrales del Ecosistema Manglar (Ancient People of the Mangrove Ecosystem). This paper argues that this ecosystem-based ethnic identity responds to a total lack of recognition and valuing of a cultural way of life with nature (mangroves). This case study highlights how current natural resource depletion is pushing novel deployments of indigeneity by the fact that this legal category entails rights to collective land and at the same time highlights the dangers of exclusion resulting from granting collective land titles exclusively in terms of indigeneity.

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References
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Book
18 May 2001
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a theoretical framework for indigenous mobilization in Latin America and present a case study of the Peruvian anomaly and subnational variation of the Kataristas and their legacy.
Abstract: Part I. Theoretical Framing: 1. Questions, approaches, and cases 2. Citizenship regimes, the state, and ethnic cleavages 3. The argument: indigenous mobilization in Latin America Part II. The Cases: 4. Ecuador: Latin America's strongest indigenous movement 5. The Ecuadorian Andes and ECUARUNARI 6. The Ecuadorian Amazon and CONFENAIE 7. Forming the National Confederation, CONAIE 8. Bolivia: strong regional movements 9. The Bolivian Andes: the Kataristas and their legacy 10. The Bolivian Amazon 11. Peru: weak national movements and subnational variation 12. Peru. Ecuador, and Bolivia: most similar cases 13. No national indigenous movement: explaining the Peruvian anomaly 14. Explaining subnational variation 15. Conclusion: 16. Democracy and the postliberal challenge in Latin America.

768 citations


"Conflict, claim and contradiction i..." refers background in this paper

  • ...If the neoliberal reforms changed the way people related to the nation state, that is, they transformed what Deborah Yashar describes as the ‘citizenship regime’ (Yashar, 2005), the recent constitution has changed it once again....

    [...]

  • ...Canessa (2007), Maybury Lewis (2002), Postero and Zamosc (2004), Sieder (2002), Van Cott (2002) and Yashar (2005)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Indonesia has no direct equivalent in Indonesia's national legal system, nor are there reservations or officially recognized tribal territories as mentioned in this paper, and it was the official line of Suharto's regime that Indonesia is a nation which has no indigenous people, or that all Indonesians are equally indigenous.
Abstract: It was the official line of Suharto’s regime that Indonesia is a nation which has no indigenous people, or that all Indonesians are equally indigenous.1 The internationally recognized category “indigenous and tribal peoples” (as defined in International Labour Organization convention 169) has no direct equivalent in Indonesia’s national legal system, nor are there reservations or officially recognized tribal territories. Under Suharto the national motto “unity in diversity” and the displays of Jakarta’s theme park, Taman Mini, presented the acceptable limits of Indonesia’s cultural difference, while development efforts were directed at improving the lot of “vulnerable population groups,” including those deemed remote or especially backwards. Expressions of the desire for development made through bottom up planning processes and supplications to visiting officials were the approved format through which rural citizens communicated with the state. National activists and international donors who argued for the rights of indigenous people were dismissed as romantics imposing their primitivist fantasies upon poor folk who want, or should want, to progress like “ordinary” Indonesians. Nevertheless, a discourse on indigenous people took hold in activist circles in the final years of Suharto’s rule, and it has increasing currency in the Indonesian countryside. With the new political possibilities opened up in the post-Suharto era, it seems an appropriate time to reflect on how Indonesia’s indigenous or tribal slot is being envisioned, who might occupy it, and with what effects.

700 citations


"Conflict, claim and contradiction i..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Indigeneity always implies a relationship with the state (Aparicio and Blaser, 2008; Dombrowski, 2002; Li, 2000; López Caballero, 2012; Shah, 2010; Urban and Scherzer, 1991)....

    [...]

  • ...There can be no doubt that discourses of indigeneity can be very enabling for marginalised peoples who otherwise would not have access to international courts and global mobilisations of interest groups or what Li (2000) has called the ‘indigenous people’s slot’....

    [...]

  • ...Escárcega (2010), Greene (2006), Hathaway (2010), Li (2000); Martı́nez Novo (2005), Sapignoli (2012) and Sieder (2002)....

    [...]

  • ...Indigeneity always implies a relationship with the state (Aparicio and Blaser, 2008; Dombrowski, 2002; Li, 2000; López Caballero, 2012; Shah, 2010; Urban and Scherzer, 1991)....

    [...]

  • ...See Li (2000), Shah (2010) and Tsing (2005)....

    [...]

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TL;DR: This article studied race and ethnicity in a post-modern and reflexive world and found that race and ethnicity in postmodern and Reflexive world were interdependent and interdependent, and that race was defined by race, ethnicity, and ethnicity.
Abstract: Preface To Second Edition Introduction 1. The Meaning Of 'Race' And 'Ethnicity' 2. Black And Indigenous Peoples In Latin America 3. Early Approaches To Blacks And Indigenous People, 1920s-1960s 4. Inequality And Situational Identity: The 1970s 5. Blacks And Indigenous People In The Postmodern Nation-State And Beyond 6. Black And Indigenous Social Movements 7. Studying Race And Ethnicity In A Postmodern And Reflexive World Notes Index

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Frequently Asked Questions (1)
Q1. What are the contributions mentioned in the paper "Conflict, claim and contradiction in the new indigenous state of bolivia" ?

The contemporary politics of state sponsored indigeneity in Bolivia has as much capacity to create new inequalities as it does to address old ones and there is a conceptual deficit in understanding contemporary indigenous rights claims, in particular, as they relate to the state. I reject Peter Geschiere ’ s ( 2009 ) suggestion that one should distinguish between ‘ autochthony ’ and ‘ indigeneity ’ but am inspired by these arguments to suggest that one needs to make a critical distinction between the kinds of claims different indigenous people make against the state. Only by looking at the kinds of claims people make through the rhetoric of indigeneity can the authors make sense of the current indigenous conflict in Bolivia and elsewhere.