Confronting the colonial: The (re)production of ‘African’ exceptionalism in critical security and military studies:
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Citations
Militarism and security: Dialogue, possibilities and limits:
Exploring the Backstage: Methodological and Ethical Issues Surrounding the Role of Research Brokers in Insecure Zones
Return of the generals? Global militarism in Africa from the Cold War to the present:
Revisiting colonial legacies in knowledge production on customary authority in Central and East Africa
References
The Copenhagen School on Tour in Kyrgyzstan: Is Securitization Theory Useable Outside Europe?
Why International Relations has Failed as an Intellectual Project and What to do about It
Mapping the Security—Development Nexus: Conflict, Complexity, Cacophony, Convergence?
Africa's challenge to international relations theory
African Studies and the Postcolonial Challenge
Related Papers (5)
Return of the generals? Global militarism in Africa from the Cold War to the present:
Liberal militarism as insecurity, desire, and ambivalence: gender, race, and the everyday geopolitics of war
Frequently Asked Questions (14)
Q2. What was the work of the Copenhagen School in the 1990s?
Securitization theory, which considers the ways in which phenomena are construed as ‘security issues’, was developed through the work of the Copenhagen School in the 1990s as part of critical security studies.
Q3. What was the privileged outlet for security-centered discourses on ‘Africa’?
A privileged outlet for security-centered discourses on ‘Africa’ was the emerging policy-prescriptive genre of security sector reform – a set of policy interventions that critical scholars associate with the ‘liberal peace’ project (Andersen, 2011).
Q4. What is the main argument against the application of securitization theory to ‘Africa’?
Through the judgment of particular theoretical tools as ‘inappropriate’ for certain contexts, supposedly modern, liberal (and universal) values such as freedom, humanrights and democracy are portrayed as exclusive property of ‘the West’– as is more explicitly the case with approaches to militarism/militarization in ‘Africa’ that take ‘western’ militaries and political orders as their yardstick.
Q5. What is the main argument for securitization theory?
He highlights, however, that securitization is based on an ‘illocutionary speech act’ relating to the universal capacity for language, concluding that a more careful elaboration of securitization theory allows it to ‘travel’ to non-democratic contexts, without losing its explanatory value (Vuori, 2008).
Q6. What is the need to further engage in efforts to ‘think otherwise’?
there is a need to further engage in efforts to ‘think otherwise’ (Spivak, 1993), recognizing that the concepts of militarism/militarization and securitization are deeply political conceptual tools, and (like most theory) are shaped by a long history of colonialism and racism.
Q7. What is the role of the postcolonialist in obscuring the security politics of ‘?
As argued by Appiah (1993: 32) (as well as by many other postcolonial thinkers) this idea must be seen as ‘an outgrowth of European racialism’ – reflecting a politics which simply ‘make[s] real the imaginary identities to which Europe has subjected us’ – thus merely reproducing colonial ideas of ‘African’ homogeneity and Otherness.
Q8. What was the corollary of the study of militarism?
IR’s focus on military power and violence was largely ‘superseded by the problem of internal lawlessness and anarchy – with the corollary … that the study of militarism [here mostly seen in relation to the international system and states] is also somewhat outdated’.
Q9. What is the task of the author?
As Spivak (1993: 284) frames it, rather than rejecting the values that are claimed, the task is to ‘engage in a persistent critique of what one cannot not want’.
Q10. What is the importance of critically reviewing such claims of proprietorship?
Critically reviewing such claims of proprietorship, as well as the very selective application of the claimed values in the manner in which ‘the West’ engages with ‘Africa’ (similar to other postcolonial sites), is paramount to postcolonial scholarship.
Q11. What is the purpose of probing into these questions?
Probing into these questions is pertinent in the light of the strong Euro/US-centrism that continues to mark scholarly debates on securitization and militarism/militarization (cf. Barkawi, 2011; Barkawi and Laffey, 2006; Bilgin, 2011; Vuori, 2008; Wilkinson, 2007).
Q12. What is the main theme of Barkawi’s essay?
Barkawi highlights here the problematic tendency of securitization theory to uncritically reflect and reproduce the security politics of so-called advanced liberal democracies (see also Bigo, 2002), thus participating in the ‘defensive liberal politics of war by obfuscating the possibility of aggression’ (Barkawi, 2011: 715).
Q13. What are the key portrayals of colonial projects?
These portrayals were crucial in legitimizing the colonial project as a civilizing project, and continue to be mirrored in justifications for numerous postcolonial interventions, such as security sector reform (Eriksson Baaz and Stern, 2017).
Q14. What was the main reason for the supposed deviance?
One domain in which this supposed deviance came to the fore was the pronounced political role of many ‘African’ military establishments, especially their ‘praetorianism’ or penchant for coup d’états (Welch, 1970).