Confucianism and Capitalist Development: From Max Weber and Orientalism to Lee Kuan Yew and New Confucianism
TL;DR: Using Said's orientalism as an analytical framework, the authors situates the contemporary Confucian revival within a longue duree of cultural discourse originating in the nineteenth century.
Abstract: Using Said’s orientalism as an analytical framework, this article situates the contemporary Confucian revival within a longue duree of cultural discourse originating in the nineteenth century. From...
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TL;DR: The emergence and development of capitalism is the result of the interaction of various factors, and Max Weber discussed the important role of religious ethics on economic development from the perspective of religious culture as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The emergence and development of capitalism is the result of the interaction of various factors,and Max Weber discussed the important role of religious ethics on economic development from the perspective of religious culture.Weber is only analyzed from the perspective of religious ethics,but his discourses upon the relationship between the Protestant Ethic and the development of modern Western capitalism opened up a unique perspective for us,namely culture or spirit of a society is closely linked with its economic and social development.So Weber's argument on"The Protestant Ethic Spirit"has some inspiration and practical significance for building China's socialist ethical values.
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Journal Article•
TL;DR: The Lost Soul: Confucianism in Contemporary Chinese Academic Discourse by John Makeham, Cambridge MA: Harvard University East Asia Center, 2008 as mentioned in this paper, p. xiv + 397 pp.
Abstract: Review(s) of: Lost Soul: 'Confucianism' in Contemporary Chinese Academic Discourse, by John Makeham, Cambridge MA: Harvard University East Asia Center, 2008. xiv + 397 pp. US$49.95 (hardcover).
14 citations
Book•
01 Jan 2010
TL;DR: The Cultural Revolution as mentioned in this paper was one of history's most horrific political upheavals, which began in 1966, when the Chinese Communist Party officially launched the radical movement on the orders of its autocratic chairman, Mao Zedong.
Abstract: As one of history's most horrific political upheavals, the Cultural Revolution began in 1966, when the Chinese Communist Party officially launched the radical movement on the orders of its autocratic chairman, Mao Zedong. He intended for the movement to revitalize China's revolutionary fervor while simultaneously accelerating the country's evolution into a true communist utopia. China's young people became the advance guard for this new revolution, forming themselves into paramilitary Red Guard units. These adolescent shock troops humiliated, beat, and murdered teachers, intellectuals, local party officials, and others whom they judged to be insufficiently devoted to Mao and his radical ideals. By the time the Cultural Revolution finally ended in 1976, it had claimed the lives of some 3 to 4 million Chinese and left many millions more physically or psychologically scarred. In this new title, learn how this sweeping policy changed the course of Chinese history in the 20th century.
14 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary China: The Search for National Identity Under Reform, by Yingjie Guo as mentioned in this paper analyzes the nationalist ideas and intellectual currents prevalent in elite circles in China during the last twenty years or so, and particularly in the 1990s.
Abstract: Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary China: The Search for National Identity Under Reform, by Yingjie Guo. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004. xvi +192 pp. £65.00 (hardcover). In this thought-provoking work Yingjie Guo analyzes the nationalist ideas and intellectual currents prevalent in elite circles in China during the last twenty years or so, and particularly in the 1990s. Making good use of theoretical discussions of nationalism by Anthony Smith, Ernest Gellner, Prasenjit Duara and others, Guo makes a distinction between his primary interest, which he describes as cultural nationalism, and the state nationalism with which-as he argues-Chinese nationalism is too often identified. Guo defines cultural nationalism as an ideological movement concerned not just with political autonomy but also with the creation of a self-aware, morally innovative national community with shared ethnic values, myths and memories. This sounds quite like the ethnic or popular nationalism that other writers (Anthony Smith, James Townsend and others) have identified as an element of nationalism distinct from, though overlapping with, state or civic nationalism. In any event the distinction between these two broad forms of nationalism, whatever they are called, is a valuable one to make, and one that is too frequently neglected with respect not only to China but also to nationalist trends elsewhere as well. Guo says he wants to avoid taking an unremittingly negative view of nationalism, and to distance himself from earlier writers such as Isaiah Berlin who gave nationalism a bad reputation by treating it as pathological and destructive (p. xiii). In this respect he somewhat misrepresents these writers' views. Berlin in particular was always careful to distinguish between more benign, Herderian forms of nationalism and the more negative forms of nationalism associated with ethnic exclusivity and intolerance. Guo is surely right, though, in characterizing much of the recent discussion about nationalism in China as negative in outlook and intent. Guo's principal argument is that in China today cultural nationalism overlaps with state nationalism, but is in conflict with it to the extent that state nationalism reflects the ideology of the Communist Party. He concedes, however, that this conflict is lessening as the Party gradually abandons its classbased ideology in favour of being a national party. He concludes the book by predicting that the Party is likely to go on shifting its ground so as to take on board some of the ideas and elements of cultural nationalism, so that in the end "China will look more Chinese than in the greater part of the last century" (p. 143). Guo also argues that, for the time being anyway, the potential for a more civic-minded form of state nationalism remains limited. He takes the view that, despite the collapse of its Marxist-Maoist legitimacy and its abandonment of class politics, the state or rather the Party finds it difficult to nurture a new kind of civic or constitutional patriotism (p. 46). This is because in China civic identity, laws and political institutions are all still too weak to be depended on, and also because Party leaders are reluctant to face up to the full implications of nurturing citizenship, which would involve observing the rights as well as the duties of citizens (a line of discussion which needs further exploration). The nationalist high ground is thus left to cultural nationalists seeking to rebuild a sense of history, tradition, shared language and identity, something state nationalists also find themselves driven to doing, but much more hesitantly. …
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Book•
01 Jan 2015
TL;DR: The first selection published from Gramsci's Prison Notebooks to be made available in Britain, and was originally published in the early 1970s as discussed by the authors, was the first publication of the Notebooks in the UK.
Abstract: Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks, written between 1929 and 1935, are the work of one of the most original thinkers in twentieth century Europe. Gramsci has had a profound influence on debates about the relationship between politics and culture. His complex and fruitful approach to questions of ideology, power and change remains crucial for critical theory. This volume was the first selection published from the Notebooks to be made available in Britain, and was originally published in the early 1970s. It contains the most important of Gramsci's notebooks, including the texts of The Modern Prince, and Americanism and Fordism, and extensive notes on the state and civil society, Italian history and the role of intellectuals. 'Far the best informative apparatus available to any foreign language readership of Gramsci.' Perry Anderson, New Left Review 'A model of scholarship' New Statesman
4,464 citations
4,240 citations
Additional excerpts
...…Confucius now looms large in business publications and university curricula (Chen, 2004; Cheung, Leung, Fan, & Song, 1996; Fam, Yang, & Hyman, 2009; Hofstede & Bond, 1988; Leong, Huang, & Mak, 2014; Liang, 2010; Luo, 2007; Quartz, 2015; So & Walker, 2006; Standifird & Marshall, 2000; Warner,…...
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...…as a philosophy from which the West may learn (Chen, 2004; Cheung, Leung, Fan, & Song, 1996; David & Wheelwright, 1989; Fam, Yang, & Hyman, 2009; Hofstede & Bond, 1988; Leong, Huang, & Mak, 2014; Liang, 2010; Luo, 2007; Mo, Okimoto, & Walter, 2006; So & Walker, 2006; Standifird & Marshall,…...
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Journal Article•
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524 citations