Corruption on the road: A case study of Russian traffic police
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the links between corruption in the traffic police and road safety and show that corruption has a positive impact on road safety in Russia, a middle-income country.
Abstract: Motorists deal with traffic police officers on a daily basis. In Russia, the operations of the traffic police are not transparent. Mass surveys show that contacts with traffic police officers represent a key source of corruption in this country. This article discusses the links between corruption in the traffic police and road safety. Corruption in the traffic police has a positive impact on road safety in Russia, a middle-income country. It suppresses economic growth and thus reduces the intensity of road use. In the current situation, Russian motorists have no incentive for fighting corruption: constantly growing fines and penalties for traffic offences increase the attractiveness of paying bribes compared to individual and/or collective protests. A vicious circle emerges as a result: corruption becomes self-sustainable. The official statistical data and results of a nationally representative sociological survey provide the data for the analysis. An instrumental variables analysis and multiple regression modelling are used in this study.
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01 Jun 2009
TL;DR: Andrew Wilson's "Virtual Politics: Faking Democracy in the Post Soviet World" as mentioned in this paper presents an exhaustive overview of various forms of chicanery and deceit that characterize politics throughout much of the post-Soviet region.
Abstract: Andrew Wilson. Virtual Politics: Faking Democracy in the Post-Soviet World. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. xviii, 332 p. Illustrations. Figures. Notes. Index. $40.00, cloth.Andrew Wilson's Virtual Politics: Faking Democracy in the Post Soviet World presents an exhaustive overview of various forms of chicanery and deceit that characterize politics throughout much of the post-Soviet region. Aside from meticulously exploring the "virtuality" of political developments in this part of the world, the author also challenges the basic foundations of extant post-Soviet research which applies a more traditional approach of treating political conflict as the reflection of competing societal interests. Critiquing this literature, Wilson argues that much of the public political manoeuvring in countries such as Russia, Ukraine and Belarus is mere theatre designed to confuse and deceive the electorate rather than to represent the interests and political preferences of real social actors. Throughout the book, Wilson presents a remarkably thorough effort to document the various schemes, tactics, technologies and projects that marked the past fifteen years of political developments in the region. While many of the political subterfuges detailed in the book are known to specialists in the region, Wilson's book is the first to systematically document these tactics and to elevate political technologists and other charlatans to a leading role in the region's political theatre.Wilson's often dense analysis is presented in eleven well-organized and carefully linked parts. Following a brief introduction which presents his main thesis, Wilson begins his exploration of virtual politics by demonstrating how factors specific to the Soviet experience provided fertile soil for the growth of modern virtual politics in the region. In Chapters Two and Three, Wilson details the bases of contemporary virtual politics and introduces political technologists as the primary playwrights in his virtual theatre. The bulk of the remaining text provides a tour of various strategies and tactics designed to distract the public, revamp the ruling elite's image, and neutralize real sources of resistance through nefarious tactics designed to discredit, divide and even (re)invent the opposition. Wilson concludes with a brief discussion of the limits of virtuality and the implications of virtuality for democratization efforts in the region.If Wilson's dire assessments are indeed valid, the study raises a number of important challenges for researchers and policy makers working with the region. First, how might one determine the scope of the virtual political world? Within his expansive discussion, which details the carefully scripted schemes of the region's political actors, Wilson includes a smattering of caveats indicating that not everything in the post-Soviet world is indeed "virtual." However, the absence of a serious examination of voting behaviour (an admittedly tall order given the author's main goals for the work) detracts from the ability to effectively determine the borders and scope of the virtual world. Having given pride of place to the virtual world and redirected attention to the extent and depth of political manipulation, scholars must now reintroduce the voter into this equation to help determine when virtuality rules the day and when social interests and actors can navigate through fog and achieve real political outcomes. …
135 citations
22 citations
TL;DR: It is argued that the current reliance on the apparatus of statistical regression limits the scope of possibilities for neural networks in general, and in moving towards artificial creativity in particular.
Abstract: This article discusses three dimensions of creativity: metaphorical thinking; social interaction; and going beyond extrapolation in predictions. An overview of applications of neural networks in these three areas is offered. It is argued that the current reliance on the apparatus of statistical regression limits the scope of possibilities for neural networks in general, and in moving towards artificial creativity in particular. Artificial creativity may require revising some foundational principles on which neural networks are currently built.
19 citations
Dissertation•
01 Sep 2018
TL;DR: Tankebe et al. as mentioned in this paper explored the effects of the different corruption experiences upon confidence in the police as well as police legitimacy in Ghana, based on 6 months of fieldwork and conducting 9 sets of observation in Ghana.
Abstract: Based on 6 months of fieldwork and conducting 9 sets of observation in Ghana, this thesis explores the effects of the different corruption experiences upon confidence in the police as well as police legitimacy Since Tyler published his seminal work Why People Obey the Law, legitimacy and confidence in the criminal justice system has become an important concept in criminological analysis Various studies have sought to clarify the meaning of legitimacy and to examine the factors that influence public perceptions of police legitimacy and confidence Studies have emphasized the importance of procedural justice, distributive
justice, and effectiveness of legal institutions What remains under-researched in criminological discourse however, is the effects of police corruption upon public confidence and police legitimacy
An important exception is Tankebe’s (2010a) and Asif, Bradford and Zakar’s (2014) study Yet both construct their study on a simple distinction between direct and indirect experiences of public corruption with the police This overlooks the fact that there could be different types of direct and vicarious experiences (eg negative and positive experiences), with different effects on confidence and legitimacy This study addresses these issues by examining the effects of both perceptions and different experiences of public-police corruption in Ghana The research is focused on the experiences of corruption at the street level Data was obtained from the police and retired police
officers, commercial drivers, and private entrepreneurs (market traders) These actors encounter the police more often than any other, and that their expectations in corrupt encounters are conflicting For example, while some members of the public condemn police corruption at police checkpoints, others, or the same people, in turn criticise and get infuriated at commercial drivers for failing to pay bribes to the police resulting in, for instance, unnecessary journey delays The impact of these experiences on citizens’ perceptions of police legitimacy and confidence in the Ghanaian police are discussed
15 citations
Cites background from "Corruption on the road: A case stud..."
...Laxity in relation to traffic regulations amongst most commercial driver participants has been seen to account for some street-level police corrupt practices (cf. Siegrist and Roskova 2001; Barjonet 2011; Oleinik 2016; Norman et al 2017)....
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...Police participants, in turn, were morally enabled to cover whatever remains of their costs through street-level corrupt practices (Oleinik 2016)....
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...This is in the context where the probability of being stopped by the police is more likely with corrupt intent rather than enforcing the law (Oleinik 2016)....
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...This cycle of corrupt practices, as stated below - ‘‘the pressure comes from our people at the top’’ - a denial of intent, was perceived to have been driven by the top-ranking police officers who had enforced the scheme of street-level corruption (Oleinik 2016)....
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...Consequently, this can facilitate increased occurrences of police corruption (Oleinik 2016)....
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01 Jan 2019
TL;DR: StopXam (Stop a Douchebag) is a state-supported digital vigilante group specializing in road-traffic and parking violations in Russia, where participants confront the drivers and retaliate by placing stickers that read "I spit on everyone I drive where I want" on the targets' windshields as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Several state-supported digital vigilante groups emerged in Russia at the downturn of the pro-Kremlin youth group Nashi (Ours), when its former commissars formed issuespecific movements to counter perceived legal and moral offences through exposure of targets on social media. One of such groups is StopXam (Stop a Douchebag), specializing in road-traffic and parking violations. StopXam participants confront the drivers and retaliate by placing stickers that read “I spit on everyone I drive where I want” on the targets’ windshields. The retaliation is often accompanied by verbal and physical fighting; the process is filmed, edited, and shared on YouTube, receiving millions of views. While digital media made such practices possible, traditional broadcasters maintain significance in rendering meaning to the phenomenon of vigilantism and in framing vigilantes, their targets, police, and other actors. As the existing literature on digital vigilantism is predominantly focused on digital media affordances, this article aims to address this gap through a qualitative analysis of traditional media coverage of StopXam. Media analysis highlights intriguing nuances of traditional media as a powerful actor and discourse setter in the digital age.
Article in English
DOI: 10.25285/2078-1938-2019-11-3-16-45
9 citations
References
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Journal Article•
TL;DR: The authors examines five common misunderstandings about case-study research and concludes with the Kuhnian insight that a scientific discipline without a large number of thoroughly executed case studies is a discipline without systematic production of exemplars.
Abstract: This article examines five common misunderstandings about case-study research: (1) Theoretical knowledge is more valuable than practical knowledge; (2) One cannot generalize from a single case, therefore the single case study cannot contribute to scientific development; (3) The case study is most useful for generating hypotheses, while other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building; (4) The case study contains a bias toward verification; and (5) It is often difficult to summarize specific case studies. The article explains and corrects these misunderstandings one by one and concludes with the Kuhnian insight that a scientific discipline without a large number of thoroughly executed case studies is a discipline without systematic production of exemplars, and that a discipline without exemplars is an ineffective one. Social science may be strengthened by the execution of more good case studies.
10,177 citations
TL;DR: The authors examines five common misunderstandings about case-study research: theoretical knowledge is more valuable than practical knowledge, one cannot generalize from a single case, therefore, the single-case study cannot contribute to scientific development, the case study is most useful for generating hypotheses, whereas other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building, case study contains a bias toward verification, and it is often difficult to summarize specific case studies.
Abstract: This article examines five common misunderstandings about case-study research: (a) theoretical knowledge is more valuable than practical knowledge; (b) one cannot generalize from a single case, therefore, the single-case study cannot contribute to scientific development; (c) the case study is most useful for generating hypotheses, whereas other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building; (d) the case study contains a bias toward verification; and (e) it is often difficult to summarize specific case studies. This article explains and corrects these misunderstandings one by one and concludes with the Kuhnian insight that a scientific discipline without a large number of thoroughly executed case studies is a discipline without systematic production of exemplars, and a discipline without exemplars is an ineffective one. Social science may be strengthened by the execution of a greater number of good case studies.
8,876 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1971
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that regulation is acquired by the industry and is designed and operated primarily for its benefit, and that the state has one basic resource which in pure principle is not shared with even the mightiest of its citizens.
Abstract: The state—the machinery and power of the state—is a potential resource or threat to every industry in the society. With its power to prohibit or compel, to take or give money, the state can and does selectively help or hurt a vast number of industries. Regulation may be actively sought by an industry, or it may be thrust upon it. A central thesis of this paper is that, as a rule, regulation is acquired by the industry and is designed and operated primarily for its benefit. The state has one basic resource which in pure principle is not shared with even the mightiest of its citizens: the power to coerce. The state can seize money by the only method which is permitted by the laws of a civilized society, by taxation. The state can ordain the physical movements of resources and the economic decisions of households and firms without their consent.
7,956 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present new data on the regulation of entry of start-up firms in 85 countries, covering the number of procedures, official time, and official cost that a startup must bear before it can operate legally.
Abstract: We present new data on the regulation of entry of start-up firms in 85 countries. The data cover the number of procedures, official time, and official cost that a start-up must bear before it can operate legally. The official costs of entry are extremely high in most countries. Countries with heavier regulation of entry have higher corruption and larger unofficial economies, but not better quality of public or private goods. Countries with more democratic and limited governments have lighter regulation of entry. The evidence is inconsistent with public interest theories of regulation, but supports the public choice view that entry regulation benefits politicians and bureaucrats.
2,811 citations