scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question
Journal ArticleDOI

Defining Emotion: A Brief History:

Maria Gendron1
01 Oct 2010-Emotion Review (SAGE Publications)-Vol. 2, Iss: 4, pp 371-372
TL;DR: The effort to define the term "emotion" has a long history in the discipline of psychology as mentioned in this paper, and Izard's survey (2010) canvassed prominent emotion theorists and researchers on their working definitions.
Abstract: The effort to define the term “emotion” has a long history in the discipline of psychology. Izard’s survey (2010) canvassed prominent emotion theorists and researchers on their working definitions ...
Citations
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Two types of emotion definition can be identified: prescriptive and descriptive, which provide a basis for a new, comparative science of emotion.

67 citations


Cites background from "Defining Emotion: A Brief History:"

  • ...Even attempting to define emotion in the human context has caused problems (e.g. see Gendron, 2010; Izard, 2010), and the difficulty is magnified in non-human animals who cannot tell us whether or what they feel....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, urban green spaces are believed to provide many benefits to urban populations in terms of men's health and well-being, and the interaction between humans and nature is understood to be beneficial for human wellbeing.
Abstract: Interactions between humans and nature are understood to be beneficial for human well-being. In cities, urban green spaces are believed to provide many benefits to urban populations in terms of men...

66 citations


Cites background from "Defining Emotion: A Brief History:"

  • ...However, the study of human emotion has long been challenging to those engaging with it, as the exact definition of ‘emotion’ is still debated (Gedron, 2010; Scheer, 2012)....

    [...]

Dissertation
01 Sep 2016
TL;DR: In this article, a sophisticated interdisciplinary approach was designed, which allowed insights from the discipline of psychology and the study field of management to be reviewed and meta-synthesized into a conceptual framework that expands the myopic paradigm of urgency and thereby elaborates the process of change instigation.
Abstract: Recent research has questioned the commonly accepted notion that transformational changes are instigated when compelling evidence establishes a clear sense of urgency for action. Following these intriguing results, this thesis set out to investigate why some leaders avoid taking action even when a crisis is threatening their systems. For that reason, a sophisticated interdisciplinary approach was designed, which allowed insights from the discipline of psychology and the study field of management to be reviewed and meta-synthesized into a conceptual framework that expands the myopic paradigm of urgency and thereby elaborates the process of change instigation. The findings suggest that once a crisis is faced, leaders engage in an emotional change process during which the compelling evidence is appraised in reference to business goals and ego-commitments. These appraisals give rise to negative emotions as they inform the individual of the encountered threat. As a result, a self-protective regulatory mechanism is triggered, the operations of which determine the future of subsequent appraisals and thus the response to be adopted. That is, action might be taken to secure business continuation (adaptive), or the leader could trigger defence mechanisms (maladaptive) and thus respond in ways which might go against organizational interests, but protect the threatened ego. Although the theorization has not yet been empirically validated, the thesis bears significant contributions to knowledge. It demonstrates that urgency a) is a necessary yet insufficient element of the emotional change process; b) provides a superficial explanation of how transformations are instigated. Its logic is grounded in the outdated assumption that human beings are purely cognitive, cold and rational processors of information. Instead, the suggested framework emphasizes the important role that the unconscious hot cognitions and the emotional experiences play. Ultimately, through the analysis of more than 1200 multi domain sources, this theorization provides a viable alternative to the current urgency paradigm. It facilitates the diagnosis of defensive appraisals and paves the way for the development of tools to assist the agents of change.

41 citations


Cites result from "Defining Emotion: A Brief History:"

  • ...Within the scope of the interrelated, yet novel compared to philosophy (Mueller, 1979), scientific discipline of psychology, researchers followed a similar path and tried to specify the essence of emotion (Gendron, 2010)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors of the commentaries reflected some of the same sort of differences among themselves as I found among the emotion scientists whom I surveyed in search of a definition of emotion.
Abstract: I am very appreciative of those who wrote comments on my article. They raised some interesting and some quite challenging questions. Their responses seem quite in synchrony with my focus and intent—to reveal some problems that we need to address in advancing emotion science. The authors of the commentaries reflected some of the same sort of differences among themselves as I found among the emotion scientists whom I surveyed in search of a definition of emotion. Like the emotion scientists who responded to my survey, most of the authors of the commentaries were generally in agreement on the significance of research in the emotion domain but not in agreement on the meaning of the term emotion. I briefly discuss the noteworthy question (raised in one of the commentaries) as to whether and when discrete emotion concepts might someday share the same fate as the general term emotion and disappear from emotion science.

37 citations


Cites background from "Defining Emotion: A Brief History:"

  • ...Gendron (2010) correctly observed that the problem of defining emotion has a long history. I also agree with her that the finding of considerable agreement among emotion scientists on the structures and functions of emotions may be sufficient to foster and help guide a continuation of the rapid rate of research on various aspects of emotions. I also expect to see increasing attention to the idea that emotions and cognition are highly interactive and very often (though in my view not always) inseparable (Izard, Krauthamer-Ewing, Woodburn, Finlon, & Rosen, 2009). Perhaps most of my differences with Wierzbicka stem from our different goals. Her concern seems focused on an ordinary English-language definition of the word emotion whereas my concern was with its scientific definition. The difference between these two types of definition is similar to the distinction between descriptive (folk language) and prescriptive (scientific) definitions as drawn by Widen and Russell (2010). I agree with Wierzbicka (2010) that it is possible to give the term emotion an operational definition and I advocated such a step in my article. However, operational definitions can vary widely and they do not constitute a general definition. The definitional model that Wierzbicka offered in her commentary will be considered by some scientists as one that does not qualify as an operational definition. Yet I found aspects of her definition interesting. Her definitional model begins with “thinking.” I consider cognition as perhaps the most frequently occurring component in emotion activation processes in humans. However, cognition is by no means the only activator of emotions, and it is of highly limited utility in studying human infants and nonhuman animals. Emotions can be activated by at least four different multi-aspect systems or processes, including some that begin with physiological activities that also work in prelingual infants and nonhuman animals (Izard, 1993). Wierzbicka’s implication of the efficacy of cognition alone as an activator of emotions may be compromised by findings from neuroscientists showing that emotion and cognition interact virtually continuously (Lewis, 2005; Pessoa, 2008; Phelps, 2006). The idea of emotion or affect influencing cognition frequently (if not continuously) dates back to Plato and Aristotle and was clearly evident in the thinking of 17th-century philosophers (cf. Izard, 2007; Langer, 1967). Theory and evidence strongly suggest that although Wierzbicka’s model for emotion activation may be an effective one, neither it nor any other lock-step formulaic model can explain all instances of emotion activation (Izard, 1993). Wierzbicka’s critique of discrete emotions theory and her proposal that emotion feelings are nondiscrete are controversial. There is a large and growing body of empirical literature ranging from neuroscience to social and clinical science that focuses on constructs like, joy, sadness, anger, disgust, and fear, and in recent years empirical research on the emotion of interest has grown rapidly (Silvia, 2006). Also, she may have conflated the perception of a feeling and its motivational effects on cognition (and action) with the meaning of words and the conceptualization processes that she apparently conceives as the ultimate source of motivation. Her position stands in stark contrast to that epitomized by Tomkins’ (1962) axiom: cognition without emotion is impotent, emotion without cognition is blind....

    [...]

  • ...Gendron (2010) correctly observed that the problem of defining emotion has a long history. I also agree with her that the finding of considerable agreement among emotion scientists on the structures and functions of emotions may be sufficient to foster and help guide a continuation of the rapid rate of research on various aspects of emotions. I also expect to see increasing attention to the idea that emotions and cognition are highly interactive and very often (though in my view not always) inseparable (Izard, Krauthamer-Ewing, Woodburn, Finlon, & Rosen, 2009). Perhaps most of my differences with Wierzbicka stem from our different goals. Her concern seems focused on an ordinary English-language definition of the word emotion whereas my concern was with its scientific definition. The difference between these two types of definition is similar to the distinction between descriptive (folk language) and prescriptive (scientific) definitions as drawn by Widen and Russell (2010). I agree with Wierzbicka (2010) that it is possible to give the term emotion an operational definition and I advocated such a step in my article. However, operational definitions can vary widely and they do not constitute a general definition. The definitional model that Wierzbicka offered in her commentary will be considered by some scientists as one that does not qualify as an operational definition. Yet I found aspects of her definition interesting. Her definitional model begins with “thinking.” I consider cognition as perhaps the most frequently occurring component in emotion activation processes in humans. However, cognition is by no means the only activator of emotions, and it is of highly limited utility in studying human infants and nonhuman animals. Emotions can be activated by at least four different multi-aspect systems or processes, including some that begin with physiological activities that also work in prelingual infants and nonhuman animals (Izard, 1993). Wierzbicka’s implication of the efficacy of cognition alone as an activator of emotions may be compromised by findings from neuroscientists showing that emotion and cognition interact virtually continuously (Lewis, 2005; Pessoa, 2008; Phelps, 2006). The idea of emotion or affect influencing cognition frequently (if not continuously) dates back to Plato and Aristotle and was clearly evident in the thinking of 17th-century philosophers (cf. Izard, 2007; Langer, 1967). Theory and evidence strongly suggest that although Wierzbicka’s model for emotion activation may be an effective one, neither it nor any other lock-step formulaic model can explain all instances of emotion activation (Izard, 1993). Wierzbicka’s critique of discrete emotions theory and her proposal that emotion feelings are nondiscrete are controversial. There is a large and growing body of empirical literature ranging from neuroscience to social and clinical science that focuses on constructs like, joy, sadness, anger, disgust, and fear, and in recent years empirical research on the emotion of interest has grown rapidly (Silvia, 2006). Also, she may have conflated the perception of a feeling and its motivational effects on cognition (and action) with the meaning of words and the conceptualization processes that she apparently conceives as the ultimate source of motivation. Her position stands in stark contrast to that epitomized by Tomkins’ (1962) axiom: cognition without emotion is impotent, emotion without cognition is blind. The recent findings of neuroscientists on the interaction of emotion and cognition as reviewed by Pessoa (2008) place some limitations on the veracity of Tomkins’ clever observation....

    [...]

  • ...Gendron (2010) correctly observed that the problem of defining emotion has a long history....

    [...]

  • ...Gendron (2010) correctly observed that the problem of defining emotion has a long history. I also agree with her that the finding of considerable agreement among emotion scientists on the structures and functions of emotions may be sufficient to foster and help guide a continuation of the rapid rate of research on various aspects of emotions. I also expect to see increasing attention to the idea that emotions and cognition are highly interactive and very often (though in my view not always) inseparable (Izard, Krauthamer-Ewing, Woodburn, Finlon, & Rosen, 2009). Perhaps most of my differences with Wierzbicka stem from our different goals. Her concern seems focused on an ordinary English-language definition of the word emotion whereas my concern was with its scientific definition. The difference between these two types of definition is similar to the distinction between descriptive (folk language) and prescriptive (scientific) definitions as drawn by Widen and Russell (2010). I agree with Wierzbicka (2010) that it is possible to give the term emotion an operational definition and I advocated such a step in my article....

    [...]

  • ...Gendron (2010) correctly observed that the problem of defining emotion has a long history. I also agree with her that the finding of considerable agreement among emotion scientists on the structures and functions of emotions may be sufficient to foster and help guide a continuation of the rapid rate of research on various aspects of emotions. I also expect to see increasing attention to the idea that emotions and cognition are highly interactive and very often (though in my view not always) inseparable (Izard, Krauthamer-Ewing, Woodburn, Finlon, & Rosen, 2009). Perhaps most of my differences with Wierzbicka stem from our different goals. Her concern seems focused on an ordinary English-language definition of the word emotion whereas my concern was with its scientific definition. The difference between these two types of definition is similar to the distinction between descriptive (folk language) and prescriptive (scientific) definitions as drawn by Widen and Russell (2010). I agree with Wierzbicka (2010) that it is possible to give the term emotion an operational definition and I advocated such a step in my article. However, operational definitions can vary widely and they do not constitute a general definition. The definitional model that Wierzbicka offered in her commentary will be considered by some scientists as one that does not qualify as an operational definition. Yet I found aspects of her definition interesting. Her definitional model begins with “thinking.” I consider cognition as perhaps the most frequently occurring component in emotion activation processes in humans. However, cognition is by no means the only activator of emotions, and it is of highly limited utility in studying human infants and nonhuman animals. Emotions can be activated by at least four different multi-aspect systems or processes, including some that begin with physiological activities that also work in prelingual infants and nonhuman animals (Izard, 1993). Wierzbicka’s implication of the efficacy of cognition alone as an activator of emotions may be compromised by findings from neuroscientists showing that emotion and cognition interact virtually continuously (Lewis, 2005; Pessoa, 2008; Phelps, 2006). The idea of emotion or affect influencing cognition frequently (if not continuously) dates back to Plato and Aristotle and was clearly evident in the thinking of 17th-century philosophers (cf. Izard, 2007; Langer, 1967). Theory and evidence strongly suggest that although Wierzbicka’s model for emotion activation may be an effective one, neither it nor any other lock-step formulaic model can explain all instances of emotion activation (Izard, 1993). Wierzbicka’s critique of discrete emotions theory and her proposal that emotion feelings are nondiscrete are controversial. There is a large and growing body of empirical literature ranging from neuroscience to social and clinical science that focuses on constructs like, joy, sadness, anger, disgust, and fear, and in recent years empirical research on the emotion of interest has grown rapidly (Silvia, 2006). Also, she may have conflated the perception of a feeling and its motivational effects on cognition (and action) with the meaning of words and the conceptualization processes that she apparently conceives as the ultimate source of motivation. Her position stands in stark contrast to that epitomized by Tomkins’ (1962) axiom: cognition without emotion is impotent, emotion without cognition is blind. The recent findings of neuroscientists on the interaction of emotion and cognition as reviewed by Pessoa (2008) place some limitations on the veracity of Tomkins’ clever observation. Yet evidence of the efficacy of emotions to influence cognition and behavior in a wide variety of situations continues to mount. In a recent example, Harris (2010) found that disgust can direct social cognition that leads to dehumanized perception and subsequent disgust reactions to social outcasts....

    [...]

References
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
James A. Russell1
TL;DR: At the heart of emotion, mood, and any other emotionally charged event are states experienced as simply feeling good or bad, energized or enervated, which influence reflexes, perception, cognition, and behavior.
Abstract: At the heart of emotion, mood, and any other emotionally charged event are states experienced as simply feeling good or bad, energized or enervated. These states--called core affect--influence reflexes, perception, cognition, and behavior and are influenced by many causes internal and external, but people have no direct access to these causal connections. Core affect can therefore be experienced as free-floating (mood) or can be attributed to some cause (and thereby begin an emotional episode). These basic processes spawn a broad framework that includes perception of the core-affect-altering properties of stimuli, motives, empathy, emotional meta-experience, and affect versus emotion regulation; it accounts for prototypical emotional episodes, such as fear and anger, as core affect attributed to something plus various nonemotional processes.

4,585 citations


"Defining Emotion: A Brief History:" refers background in this paper

  • ...Reviews have failed to identify the scientific criteria that distinguish one emotion from the next, or even emotions from cognitions (see Barrett, 2006; Mauss & Robinson, 2009; Ortony & Turner, 1990; Russell, 2003)....

    [...]

Book
01 Jan 1980

2,139 citations


"Defining Emotion: A Brief History:" refers background in this paper

  • ...When Plutchik (1980) reviewed definitions of emotion throughout the history of psychology, he concluded that, “there is no sense of the definitions moving in a certain direction with time” (p. 80)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The view that there exist basic emotions out of which all other emotions are built, and in terms of which they can be explained, is questioned, raising the possibility that this position is an article of faith rather than an empirically or theoretically defensible basis for the conduct of emotion research.
Abstract: A widespread assumption in theories of emotion is that there exists a small set of basic emotions. From a biological perspective, this idea is manifested in the belief that there might be neurophysiological and anatomical substrates corresponding to the basic emotions. From a psychological perspective, basic emotions are often held to be the primitive building blocks of other, nonbasic emotions. The content of such claims is examined, and the results suggest that there is no coherent nontrivial notion of basic emotions as the elementary psychological primitives in terms of which other emotions can be explained. Thus, the view that there exist basic emotions out of which all other emotions are built, and in terms of which they can be explained, is questioned, raising the possibility that this position is an article of faith rather than an empirically or theoretically defensible basis for the conduct of emotion research. This suggests that perhaps the notion of basic emotions will not lead to significant progress in the field. An alternative approach to explaining the phenomena that appear to motivate the postulation of basic emotions is presented.

1,827 citations


"Defining Emotion: A Brief History:" refers background in this paper

  • ...Reviews have failed to identify the scientific criteria that distinguish one emotion from the next, or even emotions from cognitions (see Barrett, 2006; Mauss & Robinson, 2009; Ortony & Turner, 1990; Russell, 2003)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: There is no “gold standard” measure of emotional responding, and experiential, physiological, and behavioural measures are all relevant to understanding emotion and cannot be assumed to be interchangeable.
Abstract: A consensual, componential model of emotions conceptualises them as experiential, physiological, and behavioural responses to personally meaningful stimuli. The present review examines this model in terms of whether different types of emotion-evocative stimuli are associated with discrete and invariant patterns of responding in each response system, how such responses are structured, and if such responses converge across different response systems. Across response systems, the bulk of the available evidence favours the idea that measures of emotional responding reflect dimensions rather than discrete states. In addition, experiential, physiological, and behavioural response systems are associated with unique sources of variance, which in turn limits the magnitude of convergence across measures. Accordingly, the authors suggest that there is no “gold standard” measure of emotional responding. Rather, experiential, physiological, and behavioural measures are all relevant to understanding emotion and cannot ...

1,594 citations


"Defining Emotion: A Brief History:" refers background in this paper

  • ...Reviews have failed to identify the scientific criteria that distinguish one emotion from the next, or even emotions from cognitions (see Barrett, 2006; Mauss & Robinson, 2009; Ortony & Turner, 1990; Russell, 2003)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors review the accumulating empirical evidence that is inconsistent with the view that there are kinds of emotion with boundaries that are carved in nature and then consider what moving beyond a natural-kind view might mean for the scientific understanding of emotion.
Abstract: Laypeople and scientists alike believe that they know anger, or sadness, or fear, when they see it. These emotions and a few others are presumed to have specific causal mechanisms in the brain and properties that are observable (on the face, in the voice, in the body, or in experience)-that is, they are assumed to be natural kinds. If a given emotion is a natural kind and can be identified objectively, then it is possible to make discoveries about that emotion. Indeed, the scientific study of emotion is founded on this assumption. In this article, I review the accumulating empirical evidence that is inconsistent with the view that there are kinds of emotion with boundaries that are carved in nature. I then consider what moving beyond a natural-kind view might mean for the scientific understanding of emotion. Language: en

1,186 citations

Trending Questions (2)
How does psychology define the concept of emotions?

The paper discusses the history of defining emotions in psychology, highlighting that there is no scientific consensus on the definition of emotions.

Izard (2010) review of emotion?

Izard's survey (2010) canvassed prominent emotion theorists and researchers on their working definitions of emotion.