Diaspora et terrorisme
01 Dec 2002-pp 264
About: The article was published on 2002-12-01. It has received 7 citations till now.
Citations
More filters
01 Jan 2007
TL;DR: The authors reviewed the still limited evidence relating to these movements, focusing on the relocation of Somali and Tamil Sri Lankan Europeans from continental Europe to the UK, and discusses the conceptual and practical issues raised by this mobility, outlining an agenda for future research.
Abstract: The onward movement of new citizens of refugee backgrounds within the European Union is an apparently growing pattern in European mobility which has largely been overlooked. This paper reviews the still limited evidence relating to these movements, focusing on the relocation of Somali and Tamil Sri Lankan Europeans from continental Europe to the UK, and discusses the conceptual and practical issues raised by this mobility, outlining an agenda for future research.
67 citations
Cites background from "Diaspora et terrorisme"
...But research explaining the geographic mobility of Somali refugees within the UK has stressed similarly concrete factors (Warfa et al. 2005). xv Pérouse de Montclos (2003) focuses on specific cases of transnational benefit fraud and the movement of asylum-seekers....
[...]
TL;DR: The authors examined the economic activities of non-state actors in war in Somalia and Angola and argued that prolonged wars are characterised by the emergence of social orders of violence beyond the state.
Abstract: This paper examines the activities of non-state actors in war in Somalia and Angola. Arguing that prolonged wars are characterised by the emergence of social orders of violence beyond the state, our analytical focus is on how actors establish and sustain these orders. A core influence is the insight from research on war economies that war is not equal to the breakdown of societal order, but represents an alternative form of social order. We therefore examine the economic activities of insurgents in regard to their embeddedness in social and political spheres. The central question in this paper is how economic, political and symbolic aspects interact and determine as well as transform social orders of violence. With the examples of Somalia and Angola, two rather distinct cases of non-state orders of violence are examined. It is argued that these orders represent forms of authority with fundamental structural aspects in common. We suggest that these orders can be systematised on a continuum between two pole...
65 citations
Cites background from "Diaspora et terrorisme"
...Of the 15,000 combatants involved in the clashes in Mogadishu in 1991, less than 1,500 were organised in classic military formations (Pérousse de Montclos, 2003:42)....
[...]
TL;DR: The enhancement of aid practices in an urban setting implies a more strategic approach to the specific spatial characteristics of the city, a more fine-tuned analysis of the technical requirements of the urban service delivery systems, and a better understanding of the role of urban institutions.
Abstract: Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, has been central to life, war, and peace in the country for almost two decades. Its urban characteristics, though, have been put to one side for the most part. In recent years, Mogadishu-related issues have been merged mostly into a global agenda for South and Central Somalia, resulting in the technical and coordination approaches employed in the city largely being reproductions of solutions utilised in refugee camps and rural areas. Unfortunately, urban problems require urban solutions. The aid system is just starting to discover how specific aid in cities at war should be, both from an organisational and a technical standpoint. The enhancement of aid practices in an urban setting implies, among other things, a more strategic approach to the specific spatial characteristics of the city, a more fine-tuned analysis of the technical requirements of the urban service delivery systems, and a better understanding of the role of urban institutions.
26 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show that there are no rational proofs about the growth of Islam in Africa, only clues, and they question the development of Islam among non-Muslim societies, as compared to the rapid propagation of Christianity in the Middle Belt.
Abstract: Since September 11, conversions to Islam have worried strategic analysts, as neophytes are usually considered to be more extremist than traditional Muslims From Asia to Africa, the issue is now a question that deserves commentary We have to distinguish (1) conversion from one religion to another, (2) "internal" conversion (a "born-again" phenomenon for Christians), and (3) the discovery of God, especially for animists in Africa or atheists and agnostics in the West When we consider these types together, the expansion of Islam in Africa remains mysterious, not only because its appeal would need further investigation to be fully understood, but also because it raises doubts on the reality of its growth Hence this paper challenges common assumptions We have no scientific measurement of the progression of Islam in Africa Nigeria, the most populous country on the continent, is an interesting case-study in this regard, because it has experienced many religious confrontations between Muslims in the North and Christians in the South In the first part of this article, we show that there are no rational proofs about the growth of Islam, only clues In the second part, we question the development of Islam among non-Muslim societies, as compared to the rapid propagation of Christianity in the Middle Belt In the third part, we study political conversions to Islam in the South, where Muslims constitute a minority of the population By studying Asari Dokubo and his Niger Delta People's Volunteer Force, we attempt to understand the attraction of Islam for gangsters or warlords who oppose a Christian elite Their conversion seems quite paradoxical because it can repulse their non-Muslim followers And one wonders what is radical in such a process: Islam or the converted?
12 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In the United States, numerous studies have reported a significant increase in the use of ethnic media and their audiences as mentioned in this paper, which could explain the existing confusion about the concepts of community media and ethnic media.
Abstract: In the United States, numerous studies have reported a significant increase in the use of ethnic media and their audiences.2 However, the area of research studying ethnic media, located at the intersection of media, minorities, and immigration, remains underdeveloped in Europe,3 which could explain the existing confusion about the concepts of “community media” and “ethnic media.” In France, instead of the concept of “ethnicity,” an elaborate list of euphemisms was constructed to serve as a semantic repertoire describing the same phenomenon,4 even though the phenomenon in question has been extensively defined.5 This confusion seems to be a product of disinterest on the part of the social sciences in France in the studies of minorities and interethnic relations, a phenomenon that involves multiple factors.6 Therefore, it appears pertinent to clarify these ambiguities. Ethnic media and community media are used in conjunction with three developments: international migration, increased privatization and commercialization of public spaces, and, lastly, the development of information and communication technologies. The development of community media is linked to the rise in privatization and commercialization of public spaces. Operating from the margins of mainstream media, community media offer a third voice in the mass-media system, after the private and public sectors.7 Ethnic and alternative media are also located in this third category.
9 citations
Additional excerpts
...De Montclos 2003....
[...]
References
More filters
Book•
29 Oct 1982
TL;DR: In this article, the influence of oral poetry on Somali politics is explored by reconstructing the history of the Somali nationalist resistance movement, mainly through the use of political oratory in verse form by its leader, Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille Hasan', the Mad Mullah of British history.
Abstract: This book explores the influence of oral poetry on Somali politics. By reconstructing the history of the Somali nationalist resistance movement, mainly through the use of political oratory in verse form by its leader, Sayyid Mahammad 'Abdille Hasan', the 'Mad Mullah' of British history, Said Samater shows how an indigenous resource can be harnessed in a non-literate society, not only as a medium of mass communication but also as a tool for acquiring political power. He traces the intimate correlation between language, politics and oral poetry and seeks to suggest to students of African societies ways of examining indigenous forms of communication used by traditional African creators of large-scale organisations in the absence of writing, to influence public opinion. The book is an important contribution to the history of the Horn of Africa and its new material on the role of oral literature in a non-literate society will interest linguists, sociologists and anthropologists, as well as students of folklore and comparative literature.
111 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: Laitin et al. as discussed by the authors explored how language and politics interrelate in the Somali Republic and showed how the imposition of nonindigenous languages produced inequalities which eroded the country's natural social basis of democracy.
Abstract: When the Somali Republic received independence, its parliamentary government decided to adopt three official languages: English, Italian, and Arabic all languages of foreign contact. Since the vast majority of the nation's citizens spoke a single language, Somali, which then had no written form, this decision made governing exceedingly difficult. Selecting any one language was equally problematic, however, because those who spoke the official language would automatically become the privileged class. Twelve years after independence, a military government was able to settle the acrimonious controversy by announcing that Somali would be the official language and Latin the basic script. It was hoped that this choice would foster political equality and strengthen the national culture. "Politics, Language, and Thought" is an exploration of how language and politics interrelate in the Somali Republic. Using both historical and experimental evidence, David D. Laitin demonstrates that the choice of an official language may significantly affect the course of a country's political development. Part I of Laitin's study is an attempt to explain why the parliamentary government was incapable of reaching agreement on a national script and to assess the social and political consequences of the years of nondecision. Laitin shows how the imposition of nonindigenous languages produced inequalities which eroded the country's natural social basis of democracy. Part 2 attempts to relate language to political thought and political culture. Analyzing interviews and role-playing sessions among Somali bilingual students, Laitin demonstrates that the impact of certain political concepts is quite different when expressed in different languages. He concludes that the implications of choosing a language are far more complex than previously thought, because to change the language of a people is tochange the ways they think and act politically."
100 citations
91 citations
Book•
02 Aug 1999TL;DR: In this paper, historical perspective on Italian Colonialism Italy and the Administration of Somalia: a Difficult Mandate AFIS: Two Difficult Tasks - Democratisation and Somalisation Co-operation and Diplomacy Mogadishu versus the World Conclusions Bibliography Index
Abstract: Foreword Preface Introduction Historical Perspective on Italian Colonialism Italy and the Administration of Somalia: a Difficult Mandate AFIS: Two Difficult Tasks - Democratisation and Somalisation Co-operation and Diplomacy Mogadishu versus the World Conclusions Bibliography Index
30 citations
29 citations