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Journal ArticleDOI

Does School Autonomy Make Sense Everywhere? Panel Estimates from PISA *

TL;DR: In this paper, the authors construct a panel dataset from the four waves of international PISA tests spanning 20002009, comprising over one million students in 42 countries and identify the effect of school autonomy from within-country changes in the average share of schools with autonomy over key elements of school operations.
About: This article is published in Journal of Development Economics.The article was published on 2013-09-01 and is currently open access. It has received 268 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Autonomy & Developing country.

Summary (4 min read)

1. Introduction

  • Virtually every country in the world accepts the importance of human capital investment as an element of economic development, but this has introduced a set of important policy questions about how best to pursue such investments.
  • With local autonomy comes the possibility that individual schools pursue goals other than achievement maximization and a potential threat to maintaining common standards across the nation.
  • But dealing with these issues through international comparisons – where institutional variation can be found – brings other identification issues related to variations in culture, governmental institutions, and other things that are difficult to measure.
  • The authors develop a panel of international test results from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), covering 42 countries and four waves that span a time period of ten years.

2. Conceptual Framework

  • Substantial research has gone into understanding the determinants of educational achievement.
  • The authors are specifically interested in investigating the decision-making institutions of different countries.
  • In fact, economic models of school governance often suggest that greater autonomy can lead to increased efficiency of public schools (e.g., Hoxby (1999); Nechyba (2003)), because autonomy offers the possibility of using superior local knowledge, with positive consequences for outcomes.
  • Furthermore, the quality of decision-making may also be inferior at the local level when the technical capabilities of local decision-makers to provide high-quality services are limited and when local communities lack the ability to ensure highquality services (see Galiani, Gertler, and Schargrodsky (2008)).
  • The impact of autonomy on performance thus depends on the level of development, being positive in well-functioning systems but possibly even negative in dysfunctional systems.

3.1 Building a PISA Panel Database

  • The authors empirical analysis relies on the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), an internationally standardized assessment conducted by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).
  • PISA’s target population is the 15-year-old students in each country, regardless of the institution and grade they currently attend.
  • In addition to the achievement data, PISA also provides a rich array of background information on each student and her school.
  • In their analyses below, year fixed effects take account of this.
  • But there is also one low-income country, seven lower-middle-income countries, and nine upper-middle-income countries in the sample.

3.2 Measuring School Autonomy

  • The authors construct their measures of school autonomy for each country from the background questionnaires of the four PISA studies.
  • In 2000 and 2003, principals were asked, “In your school, who has the main responsibility for …” For each of the enumerated areas, principals had to tick whether decisions were mainly a responsibility of the school’s governing board, the principal, department heads, or teachers as opposed to not being a responsibility of the school.
  • In all four waves, respondents were explicitly allowed to tick as many options as appropriate in each area.
  • At a higher level of achievement, Germany has increased school autonomy, particularly in course offerings, whereas countries such as Great Britain, Australia, Denmark, Ireland, and Sweden have all seen slight decreases in the autonomy measures.
  • Obviously, the three autonomy areas on decisions that are related to academic content – namely courses offered, course content, and textbooks used – are highly correlated among each other, both in levels and in changes.

3.3 Descriptive Statistics

  • Table 1 presents country-level means of the three autonomy measures, as well as mean PISA math scores, in 2000 and 2009.
  • Figure 3 plots this measure of initial economic development against initial educational achievement, measured as the PISA math score in 2000.
  • Comparing these achievement trends to the autonomy trends seen in Figure 2, there are many examples where the combined achievement and autonomy trends are consistent with increased autonomy, particularly over academic content, being bad in low-performing but good in high-performing countries.
  • Great Britain, Australia, Denmark, Ireland, and Sweden all slightly reduced their autonomy, which is mirrored by slightly decreasing achievement.

4. Empirical Model

  • To test the effect of autonomy on student achievement and its dependence on a country’s development level more formally, the authors make use of the education production function framework 13 introduced above.
  • The formulation in equation (4) shows the main elements of their approach.
  • But, by aggregating over all schools in the country and measuring autonomy by the proportion of schools with local autonomy, the authors eliminate the selection bias from school choice.
  • A central component of the analysis is the possibility of significant interactions of institutional factors with other institutions or country-specific elements such as school accountability systems or level of capacity and stage of development.

5.1 Main Results

  • Conventional estimation identifies the effect of autonomy from the cross-sectional variation.
  • There is little indication that this association differs across levels of development, although the positive association of academic-content autonomy seems to increase slightly with a country’s development level, measured by the initial GDP per capita in 2000 (column 2).
  • Thus, Table 4, which shows their main results, adds an interaction term of autonomy with initial GDP per capita to the panel specification with country fixed effects and with autonomy measured at the country level.
  • For budget autonomy, the negative autonomy effect does not reach statistical significance for even the poorest country in their sample.
  • The substantial correlation between the different categories of autonomy limits the extent to which the authors can distinguish among the three categories, but Table 5 presents models with pairs of two autonomy variables, as well as all three of them, combined.

5.2 Robustness Tests

  • Several extended tests confirm the robustness of their main finding.
  • The authors main model includes measures of school characteristics, but the final columns of Table 6 show that results are robust to alternative treatments of school controls.
  • Column 5 of Table 7 replicates their analysis for the fully 22 As reviewed in Hanushek and Woessmann (2011), international comparative studies of the impact of expenditures provide mixed results but tend to indicate no consistent relationships between spending and international test scores.
  • Additional robustness tests show that results also do not hinge on any specific country being included in the estimation.
  • Results are qualitatively the same as in their preferred one-step specification, and they do not differ depending on whether the model does or does not already include country fixed effects in the estimation of the first step.

5.3 Specification Tests

  • The authors identification derives from country-level variation in autonomy over time and its interaction with initial development levels in a panel model with country fixed effects.
  • Given that the tests corroborate their main specification mostly by producing the result of insignificant alternative effects, the authors simply summarize the findings here.
  • 20 concern, the authors estimate several models where the changes in autonomy that identify their results are regressed on initial PISA scores.
  • Some of these measures may also be interpreted as possible channels through which the level of economic development may matter for the impact of autonomy on student achievement.
  • 22 differential impacts by social background would narrow or widen the performance gap between well-off and disadvantaged families.

5.4 Further Results

  • While the results so far relate to math achievement, which is most readily tested comparably across countries, PISA also tested students in reading and science.
  • This is particularly interesting because reading scores have been psychometrically scaled to be comparable over all four PISA waves.
  • While the interaction of autonomy with the initial per-capita GDP level remains qualitatively unaffected, there is also some indication that academic-content autonomy is more beneficial in more equal societies.
  • This pattern is not confirmed by distributional measures of family background taken from the PISA dataset that directly relate to the parents of the tested students.
  • Both negative and positive effects of autonomy are reduced when external education authorities may also have a say in decision-making.

6. Adding Accountability and Educational Development

  • The prior analysis presumes that a country’s income level can sufficiently characterize the set of institutional features that are complementary to local autonomy in schools – including, for example, experience with general economic structures, the importance of the rule of law as seen in economic operations, generally functioning governmental institutions, and the like.
  • It has the potential disadvantages of ignoring specific educational institutions and the overall development of the educational sector.
  • Thus, the first column of Table 9 adds an interaction term between autonomy and central exit exams to their basic model.
  • There is a sizeable positive interaction between (time-variant) school autonomy and the (time-invariant) measure of central exit exams, statistically significant in the case of academic-content autonomy.
  • Similarly, results hold when measuring initial achievement by a dummy for countries scoring higher than the OECD mean of 500 PISA points (column 4).

7. Conclusions

  • Decentralization of decision-making has been hotly debated in many countries of the world, and prior research has left considerable uncertainty about the expected impact of giving more autonomy to schools.
  • Empirically, the main result proves highly consistent across a series of robustness and specification checks.
  • Within this framework, the authors can exploit the pattern of policy changes within countries to obtain cleaner estimates of the institutional differences.
  • The authors results indicate that the impact of school autonomy on student achievement is highly heterogeneous, varying by the level of development of a country.
  • This overall result may have broader implications for the generalizability of findings across countries and education systems.

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Citations
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TL;DR: In this article, the focus on human capital as a driver of economic growth for developing countries has led to undue attention on school attainment, which led to a lack of attention on issues of school quality and in that area developing countries have been much less successful in closing the gaps with developed countries.

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors developed an international management index for schools and presented descriptive evidence on management quality and education outcomes across schools of different types within and across countries, using double-blind telephone interviews with school principals to collect information on management practices.
Abstract: We collect data on management practices in over 1,800 high schools in eight countries. We show that higher management quality is strongly associated with better educational outcomes. The UK, Sweden, Canada and the US obtain the highest management scores, followed by Germany, with a gap before Italy, Brazil and India. We also show that autonomous government schools (government funded but with substantial independence like UK academies and US charters) have higher management scores than regular government or private schools. Almost half of the difference between the management scores of autonomous and regular government schools is accounted for principal leadership and governance. There are major disparities in the quality of education within and between countries (OECD, 2012). School managerial practices may be an important reason for such differences. Unfortunately, understanding the role of management in schools within and across countries has been held back by a lack of robust and comparable instruments to systematically measure management practices and, thus, a lack of good data. The key purpose of this article is to develop an international management index for schools and present descriptive evidence on management quality and education outcomes across schools of different types within and across countries. We used double-blind telephone interviews with school principals to collect information on management practices for over 1,800 schools across eight countries. To construct our management index, we average across 20 basic management practice measures in four areas of management: operations, monitoring, target setting and people. Each question is evaluated against a scoring grid that ranges from one (‘worst practice’) to five (‘best practice’). Our management index for each school represents the average of these scores. We also constructed measures of school-level pupil outcomes for these schools (when data were available) from examination results across regions and countries, creating a matched management-pupil outcome international data set at the school level. These data allow us to document some stylised facts. First, we show that the adoption of basic managerial practices varies significantly across and within countries. The UK, Sweden, Canada and the US obtain the highest average scores, followed by Germany, Italy and Brazil, while India has the lowest scores. About half of the variance in school management is at the country-level. This share is larger in education than we have

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TL;DR: The authors argue that differences in features of countries' school systems, and in particular their institutional structures, account for a substantial part of the cross-country variation in student achievement, and that what matters is not so much the amount of inputs that school systems are endowed with, but rather how they use them.
Abstract: Students in some countries do far better on international achievement tests than students in other countries. Is this all due to differences in what students bring with them to school--socioeconomic background, cultural factors, and the like? Or do school systems make a difference? This essay argues that differences in features of countries' school systems, and in particular their institutional structures, account for a substantial part of the cross-country variation in student achievement. It first documents the size and cross-test consistency of international differences in student achievement. Next, it uses the framework of an education production function to provide descriptive analysis of the extent to which different factors of the school system, as well as factors beyond the school system, account for cross-country achievement differences. Finally, it covers research that goes beyond descriptive associations by addressing leading concerns of bias in cross-country analysis. The available evidence suggests that differences in expenditures and class size play a limited role in explaining cross-country achievement differences, but that differences in teacher quality and instruction time do matter. This suggests that what matters is not so much the amount of inputs that school systems are endowed with, but rather how they use them. Correspondingly, international differences in institutional structures of school systems such as external exams, school autonomy, private competition, and tracking have been found to be important sources of international differences in student achievement.

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References
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Abstract: vogue. Both in the industrialized and in the developing world, nations are turning to devolution to improve the per- formance of their public sectors. In the United States, the central government has turned back significant portions of federal authority to the states for a wide range of major programs, including wel- fare, Medicaid, legal services, housing, and job training. The hope is that state and local governments, being closer to the people, will be more responsive to the particular preferences of their con- stituencies and will be able to find new and better ways to provide these ser- vices. In the United Kingdom, both Scot- land and Wales have opted under the Blair government for their own regional parliaments. And in Italy the movement toward decentralization has gone so far as to encompass a serious proposal for the separation of the nation into two in- dependent countries. In the developing world, we likewise see widespread inter- est in fiscal decentralization with the ob- jective of breaking the grip of central planning that, in the view of many, has failed to bring these nations onto a path of self-sustaining growth. But the proper goal of restructuring the public sector cannot simply be de- centralization. The public sector in nearly all countries consists of several different levels. The basic issue is one of aligning responsibilities and fiscal in- struments with the proper levels of gov- ernment. As Alexis de Toqueville ob- served more than a centuty ago, "The federal system was created with the in- tention of combining the different ad- vantages which result from the magni- tude and the littleness of nations" (1980, v. I, p. 163). But to realize these "dif- ferent advantages," we need to under- stand which functions and instruments are best centralized and which are best placed in the sphere of decentralized levels of government. This is the sub- ject matter of fiscal federalism. As a subfield of public finance, fiscal feder- alism addresses the vertical structure of the public sector. It explores, both in normative and positive terms, the roles of the different levels of government and the ways in which they relate to one another through such instruments as intergovernmental grants.2

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Abstract: The role of improved schooling, a central part of most development strategies, has become controversial because expansion of school attainment has not guaranteed improved economic conditions. This paper reviews the role of cognitive skills in pro- moting economic well-being, with a particular focus on the role of school quality and quantity. It concludes that there is strong evidence that the cognitive skills of the population—rather than mere school attainment—are powerfully related to indi- vidual earnings, to the distribution of income, and to economic growth. New empiri- cal results show the importance of both minimal and high level skills, the comple- mentarity of skills and the quality of economic institutions, and the robustness of the relationship between skills and growth. International comparisons incorporating expanded data on cognitive skills reveal much larger skill deficits in developing coun - tries than generally derived from just school enrollment and attainment. The mag- nitude of change needed makes clear that closing the economic gap with developed countries will require major structural changes in schooling institutions.

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Frequently Asked Questions (7)
Q1. What are the contributions in this paper?

The authors suggest that autonomy may be conducive to student achievement in well-developed systems but detrimental in low-performing systems. 

Nonetheless, these specific issues require further research and confirmation. Within this framework, the authors can exploit the pattern of policy changes within countries to obtain cleaner estimates of the institutional differences. It suggests that lessons from educational policies in developed countries may not translate directly into advice for developing countries, and vice versa. 

The key to identification of α, the parameter of interest, is that ɛcti is orthogonal to theincluded explanatory factors and, importantly, to the measure of local autonomy. 

In such a country, going from no autonomy to full autonomy over academic content would reduce math achievement by 0.34 standard deviations according to this model. 

As will be made explicit in the next section, the authors do not use the individual school measures of autonomy in the modeling of achievement because of concerns about introducing selection bias and because of the possibility of general-equilibrium effects. 

In addition, parental human capital may moderate the quality of local monitoring, their ability to pay for private schooling may affect the incentives of autonomous schools, and autonomous schools may use specific local policies. 

Since the authors consider a large set of explanatory variables and since a portion of these variables is missing for some students, dropping all student observations with missing values would result in substantial sample reduction. 

Trending Questions (1)
What are the effects of flexible decentralized school structure on student achievement?

The effects of flexible decentralized school structure on student achievement vary depending on the development and performance level of the country's education system.