Book•
Drums of War, Drums of Development: The Formation of a Pacific Ruling Class and Industrial Transformation in East and Southeast Asia, 1945–1980
03 Sep 2019-
About: The article was published on 2019-09-03 and is currently open access. It has received 31 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: East Asia & Ruling class.
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2,385 citations
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: In this article, the Schumpeterian Competition State and the Workfare State are discussed, with a focus on the role of social reproduction and the workfare state in the two types of states.
Abstract: List of Boxes. List of Tables and Figure. Preface. Abbreviations. Introduction. 1. Capitalism and the Capitalist Type of State. 2. The Keynesian Welfare National State. 3. The Schumpeterian Competition State. 4. Social Reproduction and the Workfare State. 5. The Political Economy of State Rescaling. 6. From Mixed Economy to Metagovernance. 7. Towards Schumpeterian Workfare Postnational Regimes?. Notes. References. Index.
1,224 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Cox as mentioned in this paper discusses various gramscian concepts and what their implications are for the study of different historical forms of hegemony and counter-hegemony, and suggests that these could have a revolutionary effect on international structures and organizations, as well as rupture with the hegemony performed by the transnational economic order.
Abstract: Este articulo es, a dia de hoy, una de las piezas clasicas y fundamentales para la posibilidad de estudiar las relaciones globales de poder a partir de las herramientas conceptuales desarrolladas por Gramsci a lo largo de su obra. Cox, contribuye de esta forma a las corrientes criticas de las Relaciones Internacionales al discutir varios conceptos gramscianos y cuales serian las implicaciones para estudiar las relaciones internacionales en distintos periodos de hegemonia y contrahegemonia. De igual forma, el autor planteo la cuestion –en su momento novedosa– de la relevancia de tomar en cuenta los procesos internos de construccion de bloques historicos contrahegemonicos como aquellos que podrian tener un efecto revolucionario en las estructuras y organizaciones internacionales, asi como ruptura con la hegemonia plasmada como una clase perteneciente a un orden economico universal transnacional. This article is a classic and fundamental for approaching global power relations with the conceptual tools developed by Gramsci. Cox contributes to critical thought in International Relations by discussing various gramscian concepts and what their implications are for the study of different historical forms of hegemony and counter-hegemony. Also, the author draws our attention –novel at the time of its publicaction– to the relevance of taking into account the construction of domestic counter-hegemonic historic blocs. He suggests that these could have a revolutionary effect on international structures and organizations, as well as rupture with the hegemony performed by the transnational economic order.
1,081 citations
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the strategic coupling of the global production networks of transnational corporations and regional economies which ultimately drives regional development through the processes of value creation, enhancement and capture.
Abstract: Recent literature concerning regional development has placed significant emphasis on local institutional structures and their capacity to ‘hold down’ the global. Conversely, work on inter-firm networks – such as the global commodity chain approach – has highlighted the significance of the organizational structures of global firms’ production systems and their relation to industrial upgrading. In this paper, drawing upon a global production networks perspective, we conceptualize the connections between ‘globalizing’ processes, as embodied in the production networks of transnational corporations, and regional development in specific territorial formations. We delimit the ‘strategic coupling’ of the global production networks of firms and regional economies which ultimately drives regional development through the processes of value creation, enhancement and capture. In doing so, we stress the multi-scalarity of the forces and processes underlying regional development, and thus do not privilege one particular geographical scale. By way of illustration, we introduce an example drawn from recent research into global production networks in East Asia and Europe. The example profiles the investments of car manufacturer BMW in Eastern Bavaria, Germany and Rayong, Thailand, and considers their implications for regional development.
1,028 citations
Posted Content•
TL;DR: New State Spaces as discussed by the authors is a mature and sophisticated analysis of broad interdisciplinary interest, making this a highly significant contribution to the subject of political geographies of the modern state, which has been made in the past few years.
Abstract: Neil Brenner has in the past few years made a major impact on the ways in which we understand the changing political geographies of the modern state Simultaneously analyzing the restructuring of urban governance and the transformation of national states under globalizing capitalism, 'New State Spaces' is a mature and sophisticated analysis of broad interdisciplinary interest, making this a highly significant contribution to the subject
951 citations
References
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TL;DR: At a time when US industrial competitiveness was at its lowest point in the modern era, the Reagan Administration requested unprecedented sums for research and development of the Strategic Defense Program (SDP).
Abstract: At a time when US industrial competitiveness was at its lowest point in the modern era, the Reagan Administration requested unprecedented sums for research and development of the Strategic Defense ...
30 citations
TL;DR: In the late 1980s and into the 1990s, South Korean social movements converted a former military dictatorship into a more democratic regime, while raising hopes for yet more improvements in the position of Korean workers and farmers.
Abstract: In the late 1980s and into the 1990s, South Korean social movements converted a former military dictatorship into a more democratic regime, while raising hopes for yet more improvements in the position of Korean workers and farmers. In the 1990s, Thai social movements also cast aside a military dictatorship and opened a period in which popular movements seemed poised to make yet greater gains. Yet as of 2008 it is apparent that social movements in both South Korea and Thailand have faced increased difficulties and have seen a number of significant setbacks. The authors of this article analyze what they take to be one of the reasons for these setbacks: the failure of social movements in both of these countries to more successfully internationalize their efforts. Failed internationalism is far from being the only significant factor in this social movement decline, and, moreover, it has not necessarily occurred in precisely the same way in the South Korean and Thai cases. The authors show, however, that by a...
29 citations
TL;DR: Lee et al. as mentioned in this paper examined the election of Lee Myung Bak through the terminal crisis of the Roh Moo Hyun government that preceded it and argued that this crisis involves a problem of articulation within progressive politics between a politics of reunification and one grounded in egalitarian economic reform, including the lack of an alternative to the different forms of neo-liberalism embraced by both the Roh government and the conservative government.
Abstract: This paper examines the election of Lee Myung Bak through the terminal crisis of the Roh Moo Hyun government that preceded it. I start with an analysis of the election of Lee Myung Bak and the electoral strategies of the liberal-progressive bloc in the December 2007 election and then move on to detail how these strategies shed light on tensions within Korean progressive politics since the transition to democracy in 1987. These tensions inform what I shall call the “terminal crisis” of Roh's “participatory government.” I argue that this crisis involves a problem of articulation within progressive politics between a politics of reunification and one grounded in egalitarian economic reform, including the lack of an alternative to the different forms of neo-liberalism embraced by both the Roh government and the conservative government of Lee Myung Bak. My hope is that thorough examination of these tensions that have informed the liberal-progressive bloc during the long decade since 1987 can spur refl...
29 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a reading of Gramsci's prison notes is presented, particularly his commentaries on humanity and worldliness, and the implications of the concept of "conception of the world" are discussed.
Abstract: Antonio Gramsci is widely celebrated for his conceptualisation of hegemony. This paper elucidates a related concept that appears frequently in Gramsci’s prison notebooks yet has been surprisingly under-emphasised: ‘conceptions of the world’. By conceptions of the world, Gramsci refers to things that inform our understanding of the world and our place in it. Each conception of the world is inherently practical and philosophical, relational and political. Gramsci argues that producing a new, effective conception of the world is the key to successfully building communism. It is therefore important to situate this concept in Gramsci’s thought. That is the aim of this paper, which elaborates on the implications of ‘conception of the world’ through a reading of Gramsci’s prison notes – particularly his commentaries on humanity and worldliness.
28 citations
TL;DR: In this article, Chibber makes an unabashed case for a universal process of capitalist development, a universal set of human needs and interests that motivate subaltern resistance, and the necessity of universal Enlightenment reason for capturing both processes in East or West.
Abstract: I N 1982, a group of South Asianist historians released the first in a series of essay collections, inaugurating what came to be known as Subaltern Studies. In his preface to Subaltern Studies I, Ranajit Guha announced that the aim was “to promote a systematic and informed discussion of subaltern themes in the field of South Asia studies, and thus help to rectify the elitist bias characteristic of much research and academic work in this particular area” (Guha 1982: vii). The group adopted the term “subaltern” from Antonio Gramsci, whose cultural Marxism provided the theoretical guidance for their attempts to write a “history from below.” A remarkably generative subaltern historiography ensued, producing many valuable studies of the distinctive political forms of peasants, workers, lower castes, and adivasis in colonial and early postcolonial India. While most of these early studies sought to reconstruct Marxism in light of the empirical specificities of the subcontinent, Subaltern Studies eventually adopted a poststructural orientation and joined a wider stream of postcolonial theorizing that emphasized the distinctiveness of non-Western societies and the irreparable Eurocentrism of Western social theory. Vivek Chibber’s brilliant book is the most comprehensive challenge to this postcolonial turn to date. Using (secondary) empirical data and remarkable analytical rigor, Chibber subjects the historical and theoretical arguments of Subaltern Studies to a withering cross-examination. At stake is the proposition that the social institutions and historical trajectories of non-Western societies (and specifically India) are so different from those of the West that theories originating in the West (including Marxism) are fundamentally incapable of grasping their characters. Against such assertions of empirical difference and theoretical Eurocentrism, Chibber makes an unabashed case for a universal process of capitalist development, a universal set of human needs and interests that motivate “subaltern” resistance, and the necessity of universal Enlightenment reason for capturing both processes in East or West.
28 citations