Book•
Drums of War, Drums of Development: The Formation of a Pacific Ruling Class and Industrial Transformation in East and Southeast Asia, 1945–1980
03 Sep 2019-
About: The article was published on 2019-09-03 and is currently open access. It has received 31 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: East Asia & Ruling class.
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2,385 citations
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: In this article, the Schumpeterian Competition State and the Workfare State are discussed, with a focus on the role of social reproduction and the workfare state in the two types of states.
Abstract: List of Boxes. List of Tables and Figure. Preface. Abbreviations. Introduction. 1. Capitalism and the Capitalist Type of State. 2. The Keynesian Welfare National State. 3. The Schumpeterian Competition State. 4. Social Reproduction and the Workfare State. 5. The Political Economy of State Rescaling. 6. From Mixed Economy to Metagovernance. 7. Towards Schumpeterian Workfare Postnational Regimes?. Notes. References. Index.
1,224 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Cox as mentioned in this paper discusses various gramscian concepts and what their implications are for the study of different historical forms of hegemony and counter-hegemony, and suggests that these could have a revolutionary effect on international structures and organizations, as well as rupture with the hegemony performed by the transnational economic order.
Abstract: Este articulo es, a dia de hoy, una de las piezas clasicas y fundamentales para la posibilidad de estudiar las relaciones globales de poder a partir de las herramientas conceptuales desarrolladas por Gramsci a lo largo de su obra. Cox, contribuye de esta forma a las corrientes criticas de las Relaciones Internacionales al discutir varios conceptos gramscianos y cuales serian las implicaciones para estudiar las relaciones internacionales en distintos periodos de hegemonia y contrahegemonia. De igual forma, el autor planteo la cuestion –en su momento novedosa– de la relevancia de tomar en cuenta los procesos internos de construccion de bloques historicos contrahegemonicos como aquellos que podrian tener un efecto revolucionario en las estructuras y organizaciones internacionales, asi como ruptura con la hegemonia plasmada como una clase perteneciente a un orden economico universal transnacional. This article is a classic and fundamental for approaching global power relations with the conceptual tools developed by Gramsci. Cox contributes to critical thought in International Relations by discussing various gramscian concepts and what their implications are for the study of different historical forms of hegemony and counter-hegemony. Also, the author draws our attention –novel at the time of its publicaction– to the relevance of taking into account the construction of domestic counter-hegemonic historic blocs. He suggests that these could have a revolutionary effect on international structures and organizations, as well as rupture with the hegemony performed by the transnational economic order.
1,081 citations
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the strategic coupling of the global production networks of transnational corporations and regional economies which ultimately drives regional development through the processes of value creation, enhancement and capture.
Abstract: Recent literature concerning regional development has placed significant emphasis on local institutional structures and their capacity to ‘hold down’ the global. Conversely, work on inter-firm networks – such as the global commodity chain approach – has highlighted the significance of the organizational structures of global firms’ production systems and their relation to industrial upgrading. In this paper, drawing upon a global production networks perspective, we conceptualize the connections between ‘globalizing’ processes, as embodied in the production networks of transnational corporations, and regional development in specific territorial formations. We delimit the ‘strategic coupling’ of the global production networks of firms and regional economies which ultimately drives regional development through the processes of value creation, enhancement and capture. In doing so, we stress the multi-scalarity of the forces and processes underlying regional development, and thus do not privilege one particular geographical scale. By way of illustration, we introduce an example drawn from recent research into global production networks in East Asia and Europe. The example profiles the investments of car manufacturer BMW in Eastern Bavaria, Germany and Rayong, Thailand, and considers their implications for regional development.
1,028 citations
Posted Content•
TL;DR: New State Spaces as discussed by the authors is a mature and sophisticated analysis of broad interdisciplinary interest, making this a highly significant contribution to the subject of political geographies of the modern state, which has been made in the past few years.
Abstract: Neil Brenner has in the past few years made a major impact on the ways in which we understand the changing political geographies of the modern state Simultaneously analyzing the restructuring of urban governance and the transformation of national states under globalizing capitalism, 'New State Spaces' is a mature and sophisticated analysis of broad interdisciplinary interest, making this a highly significant contribution to the subject
951 citations
References
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Book•
26 Sep 2006
TL;DR: Peck as mentioned in this paper argues that the United States went to such lengths, not merely to "contain" the People's Republic of China, but to isolate it from all diplomatic, cultural, and economic ties to other nations.
Abstract: This book addresses a central question about the Cold War that has never been adequately resolved. Why did the United States go to such lengths, not merely to ""contain"" the People's Republic of China, but to isolate it from all diplomatic, cultural, and economic ties to other nations? Why, in other words, was American policy more hostile to China than to the Soviet Union, at least until President Nixon visited China in 1972? The answer, as set out here, lies in the fear of China's emergence as a power capable of challenging the new Asian order the United States sought to shape in the wake of World War II. To meet this threat, American policy-makers fashioned an ideology that was not simply or exclusively anticommunist, but one that aimed at creating an integrated, cooperative world capitalism under U.S. leadership - an ideology, in short, designed to outlive the Cold War. In building his argument, James Peck draws on a wide variety of little-known documents from the archives of the National Security Council and the CIA. He shows how American officials initially viewed China as a ""puppet"" of the Soviet Union, then as ""independent junior partner"" in a Sino-Soviet bloc, and finally as ""revolutionary model"" and sponsor of social upheaval in the Third World. Each of these constructs revealed more about U.S. perceptions and strategic priorities than about actual shifts in Chinese thought and conduct. All were based on the assumption that China posed a direct threat not just to specific U.S. interests and objectives abroad but to the larger vision of a new global order dominated by American economic and military power. Although the nature of ""Washington's China"" may have changed over the years, Peck contends that the ideology behind it remains unchanged, even today.
5 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1990
3 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the sources of social change in Thailand were investigated and the authors identified the following sources of change in the Thai society, and the main reasons for social change were discussed.
Abstract: (1974). The sources of social change in Thailand. Journal of Contemporary Asia: Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 209-217.
2 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze why trade has become an important political issue affecting Thailand's security and foreign policy, triggering policy debates among Thailand's power elites, focusing mainly on the trade issues and their political implications for Sino-Thai relations.
Abstract: IDEOLOGY, SECURITY, ETHNICITY, and trade are four relevant variables in the bilateral relations between Thailand and the People's Republic of China (PRC). Thailand's policies towards the PRC from the 1950s to the 1970s were affected not only by the PRC's policies towards the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT), the overseas Chinese, and trade, but also by the changing power configuration in Asia. This article will focus mainly on the trade issues and their political implications for Sino-Thai relations. The questions asked are: Was trade carried out for economic purposes alone, or did it have wider political implications for Sino-Thai relations and why did the two countries use trade as an instrument to foster normalization? Hence the main task of the article is to analyze why trade has become an important political issue affecting Thailand's security and foreign policy, triggering policy debates among Thailand's power elites. Although the period under review covers the years from 1949 to 1975, the most important period is the era of Sarit's and Thanom's administrations :(1958 to 1973). Thus the main part of this article will focus on this time span when one observed internal debates about trade policies among the power elites. It throws some light on how certain Thai elites perceived, reacted, and responded to the opening of trade and eventually diplomatic normalization with the PRC in July 1975.
2 citations