Educational policy and social control in early victorian england
About: This article is published in Past & Present.The article was published on 1970-11-01. It has received 116 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Social policy & Education policy.
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TL;DR: The authors examined research on home-based and school-based parental involvement and generated new research questions by employing Bronfenbrenner's ecological framework consisting of the micro-, meso-, exo-, and macro-systems.
Abstract: The objective of this review is to examine research on home-based and school-based parental involvement and generate new research questions by employing Bronfenbrenner's ecological framework consisting of the micro-, meso-, exo-, and macrosystems. This analysis shows that, although both family-based and school-based parental involvement are positively related to educational outcomes, their examination in the ecological framework prompts consideration of additional aspects of the micro- and mesosystems and their embeddedness in four exosystemic aspects (parents' networks and workplace, neighborhood, and educational policy) and two macrosystemic types (immigrant and ethnic groups). Guided by Bronfenbrenner's ecological thinking and the availability of advanced multivariate analysis methods, the next stage of this research should test multiple-step models describing factors that prompt parental involvement and mediate and moderate the parental involvement - educational outcomes links in different sociocultur...
264 citations
Cites background from "Educational policy and social contr..."
...…came to reestablish parents’ participation in their children’s education, after a century earlier schools viewed parents as interfering with the induction of hegemonic society and industrial productivity values (Bowles & Gintis, 2000; Johnson, 1970, 1976; Katz, 1976; Lowe, 2000; Rogoff, 2003)....
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TL;DR: In the period from 1780 to 1850, the growth of large industrial and urban populations was accompanied by an increase in the foundation and prosperity of such societies as discussed by the authors, and these societies were diverse in their purpose, form, size and membership.
Abstract: Whilst it would be wrong to claim that voluntary societies in Britain were new in the period 1780 to 1850, the growth of large industrial and urban populations was accompanied by an increase in the foundation and prosperity of such societies. These societies were diverse in their purpose, form, size and membership. Edward Baines, junior, one of the self-appointed tribunes of the industrial middle class, in 1843 described recent developments as follows:
188 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the author argues that ideological forms of organizational/managerial control that are designed primarily to serve the interests of elites are prevalent in schools as well as in corporations.
Abstract: The author argues that ideological forms of organizational/managerial control that are designed primarily to serve the interests of elites are prevalent in schools as well as in corporations. An important part of control ideologies is their defining of alternative or oppositional cultures as "irrational. " Schools, because they are the meeting places for those in and those out of power, are forced to develop their own very complex cultures, which are also seen by those in power as "irrational. " With reference to some descriptive studies the author illustrates both the complexity of school cultures and the increased difficulties they incur because they are defined as illegitimate by ruling elites.
112 citations
TL;DR: In this article, Unitarianism, political economy and the antinomies of liberal culture in Manchester, 1830-50 are discussed, with a focus on the role of the Unitarian Church.
Abstract: (1982). Unitarianism, political economy and the antinomies of liberal culture in Manchester, 1830–50. Social History: Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 1-25.
106 citations
TL;DR: In the last decade many social historians have approached a whole range of the activities of powergroups as exercises in devising mechanisms of social control which conditioned and manipulated the propertyless masses into accepting and operating the forms and functions of behaviour necessary to sustain the social order of an industrial society as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: There is nothing particularly new about the observation that the social order in Britain was subjected to immense strains by the processes of urbanization and industrialization. It threatened at times to disintegrate into anarchy through the disruption of social ties and institutions, and the emergence of frighteningly large masses of apparently masterless men. And it was transformed in the course of the nineteenth century without suffering the collapse, or revolution, which many contemporaries from right and left, from Martineau to Marx, and Eldon to Engels, had anticipated with dread or relish. Neither is there anything particularly new in observing that those who have power, authority, and influence seek to use these to protect and preserve the state of things which gives them power, and to maintain the peaceful, and preferably contented, subordination of those less comfortable than themselves. What is new is that in the last decade many social historians have approached a whole range of the activities of powergroups as exercises in devising mechanisms of social control which conditioned and manipulated the propertyless masses into accepting and operating the forms and functions of behaviour necessary to sustain the social order of an industrial society. Such efforts at social control are seen as playing an important, conceivably decisive, role in the formation and underpinning of bourgeois capitalist society. In such a view the success of social control in taming and civilizing the working classes in moulds shaped to fit the needs of bourgeois society must take its place alongside the iron disciplines of wage labour, and the coercive power of the state, as a key factor in the shaping of modern society. In many ways this is a curious view, placing the working classes perpetually on the receiving end of outside forces and influences, and portraying them as so much putty in the hands of a masterful and scheming bourgeoisie, a remote and powerful state, and a set of technological imperatives. It allows little for the possibility that the working classes themselves generated their own values and attitudes suited to the requirements of life in an industrial society, and imposed their own forms on middle-class institutions. The tables might be turned on
99 citations