Journal Article•
Elite parties, poor voters: : How social services win votes in India.
About: This article is published in Foreign Affairs.The article was published on 2015-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 39 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Elite & Social Welfare.
Citations
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TL;DR: This paper argued that Islamic organisations played a major role in the army-led destruction of the Indonesian National Order of Islam (IONI) in 1998, and that right-wing politics in Indonesia is frequently associated with Islamic populist ideas.
Abstract: Right-wing politics in Indonesia is frequently associated with Islamic populist ideas. In part this is because Islamic organisations played a major role in the army-led destruction of the I...
78 citations
Cites background from "Elite parties, poor voters: : How s..."
...…is with India’s sizeable but minority Muslim population who are purportedly aligned with secular forces domestically and outside forces to seek to destroy the Hindu Nation and which the secular Congress Party governments of previous times had failed to deal with (see Chacko 2018; Thachil 2014)....
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...…by social welfare policies targeted at the newly urbanised “neo-middle” classes and social welfare and village-level developmental work undertaken by social organisations linked to the BJP that cater to the poor, in order to cement their allegiance to the Hindutva cause (Chacko 2018; Thachil 2014)....
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...destroy the Hindu Nation and which the secular Congress Party governments of previous times had failed to deal with (see Chacko 2018; Thachil 2014)....
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...order to cement their allegiance to the Hindutva cause (Chacko 2018; Thachil 2014)....
[...]
TL;DR: The authors define counter-revolutions as collective and reactive efforts to defend the status quo and its varied range of dominant elites against a credible threat to overturn them from below, and identify the distinctive order-producing attributes of elite-protecting counter-revolutionary parties.
Abstract: Counterrevolutions have received far less scholarly attention than revolutions, despite their comparable importance in shaping the modern political world. This article defines counterrevolutions as collective and reactive efforts to defend the status quo and its varied range of dominant elites against a credible threat to overturn them from below. Unlike analysts who see the origins of political order lying in mass-mobilizing revolutionary parties, the authors illuminate the distinctive order-producing attributes of elite-protecting counterrevolutionary parties. A comparative-historical analysis of five former British colonies in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa elaborates the causal mechanisms through which counterrevolutions can produce exceedingly durable, although not invincible, political orders.
66 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the historical origins of trust in states and show that they have a lasting impact on contemporary patterns of patronage, and use the ability of public bureaucracies to reduce infant mortality in the interwar period as a proxy for historical state capacity and as an instrument to predict trust.
Abstract: What explains different levels of clientelism across countries? Why do some politicians deliver clientelistic goods to their electoral constituencies, and why do some voters demand them? This article focuses on the historical origins of trust in states and shows that they have a lasting impact on contemporary patterns of patronage. The shift to programmatic politics reflects a historical transition from personalized trust in politicians to trust in impersonal bureaucracies tasked by political parties to implement policy. Past experience with public bureaucracy informs the expectations of voters and parties regarding the performance of the state and its ability to provide public goods, which in turn shape the degree of clientelistic exchange across societies. To capture state capacity, the authors focus on the critical juncture before the expansion of women’s suffrage, and use the ability of public bureaucracies to reduce infant mortality in the interwar period as a proxy for historical state capacity and as an instrument to predict trust. Macrodata from eightyeight electoral democracies and microdata from the most recent wave of the World Value Survey provide supportive evidence for the theory.
57 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors study individual-level determinants of local civic participation in Bolivia to ask: Does local engagement reproduce the high socioeconomic bias predicted by resource theory? Did the left turn in government change the predictors of participation? Contrary to expectations, there is no high-class bias in Bolivia's local civic engagement.
Abstract: While comparative political studies of voting and protest abound, little attention has been paid to nonelectoral and noncontentious participation, particularly at the local level. Who participates in local associations and why? We study the individual-level determinants of local civic participation in Bolivia to ask: Does local engagement reproduce the high socioeconomic bias predicted by resource theory? Did the left turn in government change the predictors of participation? Contrary to expectations, we find there is no high-class bias in Bolivia’s local civic engagement. Moreover, the levels and predictors of local civic engagement have not changed after the left turn. We contribute to the comparative politics literature by conceptualizing local programmatic participation and showing that the resource theory does not apply to this type of participation in a developing context. We argue that need—rather than plenty—prompts people to participate. Our findings are relevant to participation studies in devel...
32 citations
Cites background from "Elite parties, poor voters: : How s..."
...For excellent studies of religious groups serving as catalysts for the distribution of social services such as housing and education, see Cammett (2014) and Thachil (2014)....
[...]
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors outline the ideological basis and practical implications of the shift, as well as the contradictions of the new regulatory regime, and demonstrate how these contradictions have been mediated by the material and practical knowledge, embodied expertise, local authority and wide-ranging socio-political work of two sets of actors: municipal water engineers and a cast of characters known locally as "plumbers".
Abstract: Two decades ago, the rules governing the provision of piped municipal water supply in Mumbai became linked to the policy frameworks governing eligibility for a property titling scheme. This article outlines the ideological basis and practical implications of the shift, as well as the contradictions of the new regulatory regime. The article demonstrates how these contradictions have been mediated by the material and practical knowledge, embodied expertise, local authority and wide‐ranging socio‐political work of two sets of actors: municipal water engineers and a cast of characters known locally as ‘plumbers’. The social, political and hydraulic imaginaries animating the work of ‘plumbing’ are bound up with a temporal and spatial imaginary distinctly at odds with the network‐flow conception of hydraulic engineering within which the work of water supply planning and distribution in Mumbai is conceptualized, materialized and institutionalized. The hydraulic and legal contradictions of these clashing infrastructural idioms of flow and event have rendered the regulatory framework highly unstable. These contradictions eventually erupted in Mumbai's waterscape, leaving the city's water infrastructures suspended in a highly politicized state of limbo between dueling infrastructural imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
32 citations
Cites background from "Elite parties, poor voters: : How s..."
...…organized and channeled by party systems (Yadav, 1999; Corbridge and Harriss, 2000), pacified with welfare schemes (de Wit, 1997; Chatterjee, 2008; Thachil, 2014), subjugated with physical or structural violence (Hansen, 2001; Gupta, 2012), governed and governmentalized with technologies to…...
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...Scholars of modern India have chronicled the myriad ways in which the paradoxes and inequities of postcolonial democracy have been managed, mitigated, mobilized and otherwise mediated––hierarchically arranged in patronage relations (Piliavsky, 2014), organized and channeled by party systems (Yadav, 1999; Corbridge and Harriss, 2000), pacified with welfare schemes (de Wit, 1997; Chatterjee, 2008; Thachil, 2014), subjugated with physical or structural violence (Hansen, 2001; Gupta, 2012), governed and governmentalized with technologies to appease and discipline subject populations (Chatterjee, 2008; Gupta, 2012), or negotiated and bargained through ‘instrumental’ uses of the political rights of franchise (Chatterjee, 2006: 40–41)––and have debated the extent to which these myriad forms of political mediation exhibit both continuity and departure from longstanding patterns and relations of socio-economic, structural and ritual authority....
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References
More filters
TL;DR: This paper argued that Islamic organisations played a major role in the army-led destruction of the Indonesian National Order of Islam (IONI) in 1998, and that right-wing politics in Indonesia is frequently associated with Islamic populist ideas.
Abstract: Right-wing politics in Indonesia is frequently associated with Islamic populist ideas. In part this is because Islamic organisations played a major role in the army-led destruction of the I...
78 citations
TL;DR: The authors define counter-revolutions as collective and reactive efforts to defend the status quo and its varied range of dominant elites against a credible threat to overturn them from below, and identify the distinctive order-producing attributes of elite-protecting counter-revolutionary parties.
Abstract: Counterrevolutions have received far less scholarly attention than revolutions, despite their comparable importance in shaping the modern political world. This article defines counterrevolutions as collective and reactive efforts to defend the status quo and its varied range of dominant elites against a credible threat to overturn them from below. Unlike analysts who see the origins of political order lying in mass-mobilizing revolutionary parties, the authors illuminate the distinctive order-producing attributes of elite-protecting counterrevolutionary parties. A comparative-historical analysis of five former British colonies in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa elaborates the causal mechanisms through which counterrevolutions can produce exceedingly durable, although not invincible, political orders.
66 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the historical origins of trust in states and show that they have a lasting impact on contemporary patterns of patronage, and use the ability of public bureaucracies to reduce infant mortality in the interwar period as a proxy for historical state capacity and as an instrument to predict trust.
Abstract: What explains different levels of clientelism across countries? Why do some politicians deliver clientelistic goods to their electoral constituencies, and why do some voters demand them? This article focuses on the historical origins of trust in states and shows that they have a lasting impact on contemporary patterns of patronage. The shift to programmatic politics reflects a historical transition from personalized trust in politicians to trust in impersonal bureaucracies tasked by political parties to implement policy. Past experience with public bureaucracy informs the expectations of voters and parties regarding the performance of the state and its ability to provide public goods, which in turn shape the degree of clientelistic exchange across societies. To capture state capacity, the authors focus on the critical juncture before the expansion of women’s suffrage, and use the ability of public bureaucracies to reduce infant mortality in the interwar period as a proxy for historical state capacity and as an instrument to predict trust. Macrodata from eightyeight electoral democracies and microdata from the most recent wave of the World Value Survey provide supportive evidence for the theory.
57 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors study individual-level determinants of local civic participation in Bolivia to ask: Does local engagement reproduce the high socioeconomic bias predicted by resource theory? Did the left turn in government change the predictors of participation? Contrary to expectations, there is no high-class bias in Bolivia's local civic engagement.
Abstract: While comparative political studies of voting and protest abound, little attention has been paid to nonelectoral and noncontentious participation, particularly at the local level. Who participates in local associations and why? We study the individual-level determinants of local civic participation in Bolivia to ask: Does local engagement reproduce the high socioeconomic bias predicted by resource theory? Did the left turn in government change the predictors of participation? Contrary to expectations, we find there is no high-class bias in Bolivia’s local civic engagement. Moreover, the levels and predictors of local civic engagement have not changed after the left turn. We contribute to the comparative politics literature by conceptualizing local programmatic participation and showing that the resource theory does not apply to this type of participation in a developing context. We argue that need—rather than plenty—prompts people to participate. Our findings are relevant to participation studies in devel...
32 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors outline the ideological basis and practical implications of the shift, as well as the contradictions of the new regulatory regime, and demonstrate how these contradictions have been mediated by the material and practical knowledge, embodied expertise, local authority and wide-ranging socio-political work of two sets of actors: municipal water engineers and a cast of characters known locally as "plumbers".
Abstract: Two decades ago, the rules governing the provision of piped municipal water supply in Mumbai became linked to the policy frameworks governing eligibility for a property titling scheme. This article outlines the ideological basis and practical implications of the shift, as well as the contradictions of the new regulatory regime. The article demonstrates how these contradictions have been mediated by the material and practical knowledge, embodied expertise, local authority and wide‐ranging socio‐political work of two sets of actors: municipal water engineers and a cast of characters known locally as ‘plumbers’. The social, political and hydraulic imaginaries animating the work of ‘plumbing’ are bound up with a temporal and spatial imaginary distinctly at odds with the network‐flow conception of hydraulic engineering within which the work of water supply planning and distribution in Mumbai is conceptualized, materialized and institutionalized. The hydraulic and legal contradictions of these clashing infrastructural idioms of flow and event have rendered the regulatory framework highly unstable. These contradictions eventually erupted in Mumbai's waterscape, leaving the city's water infrastructures suspended in a highly politicized state of limbo between dueling infrastructural imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
32 citations