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Journal ArticleDOI

Entrepreneurship, Social Capital, and Institutions: Social and Commercial Entrepreneurship Across Nations

01 May 2013-Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice (SAGE PublicationsSage CA: Los Angeles, CA)-Vol. 37, Iss: 3, pp 479-504
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors model and test the relationship between social and commercial entrepreneurship drawing on social capital theory, and propose that the country prevalence rate of social entrepreneurship is an indicator of constructible nation-level social capital and enhances the likelihood of individual commercial entry.
Abstract: We model and test the relationship between social and commercial entrepreneurship drawing on social capital theory. We propose that the country prevalence rate of social entrepreneurship is an indicator of constructible nation-level social capital and enhances the likelihood of individual commercial entry. We further posit that both social and commercial entrepreneurial entry is facilitated by certain formal institutions, namely strong property rights and (low) government activism, albeit the latter impacts each of these types of entrepreneurship differently. We apply bivariate discrete choice multilevel modeling to population-representative samples in 47 countries and find support for these hypotheses.

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors uncover institutional voids as the source of market exclusion and identify two sets of activities: redefining market architecture and legitimizing new actors as critical for building "inclusive" markets.
Abstract: Much effort goes into building markets as a tool for economic and social development, often overlooking that in too many places social exclusion and poverty prevent many, especially women, from participating in and accessing markets. Building on data from rural Bangladesh and analyzing the work of a prominent intermediary organization, we uncover institutional voids as the source of market exclusion and identify two sets of activities – redefining market architecture and legitimating new actors – as critical for building ‘inclusive' markets. We expose voids as ‘analytical spaces' and illustrate how they result from conflict and contradiction among institutional ‘bits and pieces' from local political, community, and religious spheres. Our findings put forward a perspective on market building that highlights the ‘on the ground' dynamics and attends to the ‘institutions at play', to their consequences, and to a more diverse set of ‘inhabitants' of institutions.

739 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors develop the institutional configuration perspective to understand which national contexts facilitate social entrepreneurship and confirm joint effects on SE of formal regulatory (government activism), informal cognitive (postmaterialist cultural values), and informal normative (socially supportive cultural norms, or weak-tie social capital) institutions.
Abstract: We develop the institutional configuration perspective to understand which national contexts facilitate social entrepreneurship (SE). We confirm joint effects on SE of formal regulatory (government activism), informal cognitive (postmaterialist cultural values), and informal normative (socially supportive cultural norms, or weak-tie social capital) institutions in a multilevel study of 106,484 individuals in 26 nations. We test opposing propositions from the institutional void and institutional support perspectives. Our results underscore the importance of resource support from both formal and informal institutions, and highlight motivational supply side influences on SE. They advocate greater consideration of institutional configurations in institutional theory and comparative entrepreneurship research.

483 citations


Cites background or methods or result from "Entrepreneurship, Social Capital, a..."

  • ...…check, we added a rule of law measure as a control variable from the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicator database (2012; Kaufmann, Kraay, & Mastruzzi, 2011) to test whether or not our results would be better explained by this constitutional-level formal institution (Estrin et al., 2013a)....

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  • ...Under such conditions, social needs such as poverty or environmental pollution are more abundant, triggering greater demand for SE (Dacin et al., 2010; Estrin et al., 2013a; Mair & Marti, 2009; Zahra et al., 2009)....

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  • ...In a cross-national quantitative study, Estrin et al. (2013a) find that more government activism is negatively correlated with SE start-up efforts....

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  • ...One exception is past entrepreneurship research that focused on how informal social relationships may substitute for the effects of weak rule of law (Estrin et al., 2013b; Puffer, McCarthy, & Boisot, 2010)....

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  • ...In our proposed model (Figure 1), government activism is an important formal regulatory institution affecting demand for SE (Dacin et al., 2010; Estrin et al., 2013a)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The past decade has witnessed a surge of research interest in social entrepreneurship (SE), which has resulted in important insights concerning the role of SE in fostering inclusive growth and instigating social entrepreneurship.

457 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider past and current research on social capital and entrepreneurship to develop a schema and an associated research agenda, and discuss how future research can utilize social capital perspectives across levels of analysis and contexts to explain a wide variety of entrepreneurship phenomena.
Abstract: This introduction to the special issue considers past and current research on “Social Capital and Entrepreneurship” to develop a schema and an associated research agenda. With the general goal of establishing social capital as a foundational theory of entrepreneurship, we discuss how future research can utilize social capital perspectives across levels of analysis and contexts to explain a wide variety of entrepreneurship phenomena.

369 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an integrative analysis spanning a broad spectrum of diverse literature enables a distinction between two different research lines in the field of entrepreneurship, and the findings of this study, based on articles from the journals included in the Web of Science database, facilitate a broader comprehension of two separate lines of research, which allows an analysis of the interaction among institutions, entrepreneurship and economic growth.
Abstract: This paper analyzes an emergent stream of research shedding light on the institutional factors shaping entrepreneurial activity and its effect on economic growth. This integrative analysis spanning a broad spectrum of diverse literature enables a distinction between two different research lines in the field of entrepreneurship. The findings of this study, based on articles from the journals included in the Web of Science database, facilitate a broader comprehension of two separate lines of research, which allows an analysis of the interaction among institutions, entrepreneurship, and economic growth. The systematic literature analysis over the last 25 years (1992–2016) of research reveals that institutions could be related to economic growth through entrepreneurship, which would open new research questions about what institutional factors are conducive to entrepreneurship, which in turn spurs economic growth. Thus, not only is understanding both complex relationships and their possible sequence useful for planning strategies and public policies, but it is also helpful for advancing and providing new insights in these research fields, which could be complementary and interdisciplinary.

309 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that the degree of overlap of two individuals' friendship networks varies directly with the strength of their tie to one another, and the impact of this principle on diffusion of influence and information, mobility opportunity, and community organization is explored.
Abstract: Analysis of social networks is suggested as a tool for linking micro and macro levels of sociological theory. The procedure is illustrated by elaboration of the macro implications of one aspect of small-scale interaction: the strength of dyadic ties. It is argued that the degree of overlap of two individuals' friendship networks varies directly with the strength of their tie to one another. The impact of this principle on diffusion of influence and information, mobility opportunity, and community organization is explored. Stress is laid on the cohesive power of weak ties. Most network models deal, implicitly, with strong ties, thus confining their applicability to small, well-defined groups. Emphasis on weak ties lends itself to discussion of relations between groups and to analysis of segments of social structure not easily defined in terms of primary groups.

37,560 citations

Book
01 Jan 1993

14,679 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Social capital has a definite place in sociological theory as mentioned in this paper, and its role in social control, in family support, and in benefits mediated by extra-familial networks, but excessive extensions of the concept may lead to excessive emphasis on positive consequences of sociability.
Abstract: This paper reviews the origins and definitions of social capital in the writings of Bourdieu, Loury, and Coleman, among other authors. It distinguishes four sources of social capital and examines their dynamics. Applications of the concept in the sociological literature emphasize its role in social control, in family support, and in benefits mediated by extrafamilial networks. I provide examples of each of these positive functions. Negative consequences of the same processes also deserve attention for a balanced picture of the forces at play. I review four such consequences and illustrate them with relevant examples. Recent writings on social capital have extended the concept from an individual asset to a feature of communities and even nations. The final sections describe this conceptual stretch and examine its limitations. I argue that, as shorthand for the positive consequences of sociability, social capital has a definite place in sociological theory. However, excessive extensions of the concept may j...

11,460 citations


"Entrepreneurship, Social Capital, a..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Moreover, common indicators of nation-level social capital focus on cohesive networks and associations, which do not automatically generate positive externalities because the gains may come at the cost of excluding outsiders (Portes, 1998)....

    [...]

  • ...However, enhancing cooperation within a smaller group can come at the cost of restricting individual freedom, the exclusion of outsiders, or even hostility toward them (Portes, 1998; Portes & Landolt, 2000)....

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  • ...Because social capital at the national level is seen as “endowed,” rooted in stable cultural traits (Adler & Kwon, 2002; Westlund & Adam, 2010), it is usually viewed as irrelevant from a policy perspective (Fukuyama, 2001; Portes, 1998)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A growing number of sociologists, political scientists, economists, and organizational theorists have invoked the concept of social capital in the search for answers to a broadening range of questions being confronted in their own fields as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: A growing number of sociologists, political scientists, economists, and organizational theorists have invoked the concept of social capital in the search for answers to a broadening range of questions being confronted in their own fields. Seeking to clarify the concept and help assess its utility for organizational theory, we synthesize the theoretical research undertaken in these various disciplines and develop a common conceptual framework that identifies the sources, benefits, risks, and contingencies of social capital.

8,518 citations


"Entrepreneurship, Social Capital, a..." refers background in this paper

  • ...labeled as weak ties (Granovetter, 1973), bridging (Adler & Kwon, 2002), wide radius of trust (Fukuyama, 2001), or bonds of solidarity within a given community/nation (Portes & Landolt). With a growing “radius of trust,” more external effects are being internalized, strangers are no longer seen as outsiders, and societal norms of cooperation emerge (Fukuyama; Putnam, 2000; Stephan & Uhlaner, 2010; Westlund & Adam, 2010). The presence of far-reaching weak ties within a nation lowers transaction costs by facilitating access to new and more valuable information and other resources. It also enhances mobility and can mitigate social exclusion, enabling more individuals to access new opportunities and resources. Widespread weak-tie social capital within a nation can therefore support entrepreneurship (Kwon & Arenius, 2010; Stephan & Uhlaner, 2010). Because social capital at the national level is seen as “endowed,” rooted in stable cultural traits (Adler & Kwon, 2002; Westlund & Adam, 2010), it is usually viewed as irrelevant from a policy perspective (Fukuyama, 2001; Portes, 1998). However, social entrepreneurship, by supporting societal objectives and group needs, builds cooperation and goodwill and hence social entrepreneurs’ actions, and the enterprises they create enhance cooperative norms within a nation. Thus, social entrepreneurship offers a view on nation-level social capital which is constructible and growing through use. Social entrepreneurship can generate these positive spillover effects because it reflects bottom-up social self-organization that aims to benefit others. It provides positive signals about caring for others and examples of goodwill and cooperation. Moreover, the organizations that social entrepreneurs create are often built to overcome social exclusion and to enhance market participation by those in society who are underprivileged. Thus, they create new ties, often at the cost of breaking existing social barriers (Mair & Marti, 2009; Mair et al., 2012). Addressing social problems which are multifaceted, social entrepreneurs build collaborative relationships with a wide range of stakeholders thereby cutting across and bridging diverse groups (e.g., DiDomenico, Haugh, & Tracey, 2010; Peredo & Chrisman, 2006). It is this outreaching aspect, widening Fukuyama’s (2001) “radius of trust,” that may make social entrepreneurship a factor in building ties based on the nationwide community rather than local social segmentation....

    [...]

  • ...labeled as weak ties (Granovetter, 1973), bridging (Adler & Kwon, 2002), wide radius of trust (Fukuyama, 2001), or bonds of solidarity within a given community/nation (Portes & Landolt). With a growing “radius of trust,” more external effects are being internalized, strangers are no longer seen as outsiders, and societal norms of cooperation emerge (Fukuyama; Putnam, 2000; Stephan & Uhlaner, 2010; Westlund & Adam, 2010). The presence of far-reaching weak ties within a nation lowers transaction costs by facilitating access to new and more valuable information and other resources. It also enhances mobility and can mitigate social exclusion, enabling more individuals to access new opportunities and resources. Widespread weak-tie social capital within a nation can therefore support entrepreneurship (Kwon & Arenius, 2010; Stephan & Uhlaner, 2010). Because social capital at the national level is seen as “endowed,” rooted in stable cultural traits (Adler & Kwon, 2002; Westlund & Adam, 2010), it is usually viewed as irrelevant from a policy perspective (Fukuyama, 2001; Portes, 1998). However, social entrepreneurship, by supporting societal objectives and group needs, builds cooperation and goodwill and hence social entrepreneurs’ actions, and the enterprises they create enhance cooperative norms within a nation. Thus, social entrepreneurship offers a view on nation-level social capital which is constructible and growing through use. Social entrepreneurship can generate these positive spillover effects because it reflects bottom-up social self-organization that aims to benefit others. It provides positive signals about caring for others and examples of goodwill and cooperation. Moreover, the organizations that social entrepreneurs create are often built to overcome social exclusion and to enhance market participation by those in society who are underprivileged. Thus, they create new ties, often at the cost of breaking existing social barriers (Mair & Marti, 2009; Mair et al., 2012). Addressing social problems which are multifaceted, social entrepreneurs build collaborative relationships with a wide range of stakeholders thereby cutting across and bridging diverse groups (e.g., DiDomenico, Haugh, & Tracey, 2010; Peredo & Chrisman, 2006). It is this outreaching aspect, widening Fukuyama’s (2001) “radius of trust,” that may make social entrepreneurship a factor in building ties based on the nationwide community rather than local social segmentation. Mair and Marti (2009) view social entrepreneurship as closely related to institutional entrepreneurship; an argument we extend by stressing that the informal institutions built by the “social bricoleurs” (Zahra et al., 2009) have a strong component of social capital, creating positive externalities. Through repeated examples of other-regarding exchanges that bridge diverse groups of stakeholders, social entrepreneurs enhance cooperative norms and construct social capital that can be appropriated by commercial entrepreneurs. Prior research on nation-level social capital has emphasized participation in voluntary associations, arguing that it increases the trust between participating members (e.g., Putnam, 1993). However, such organizations can become embedded in the social and political establishment and thereby adopt para-state-like characteristics that have little to do with building societal norms of cooperation (see, Olson, 1982). In contrast, an organization with social objectives, created from below, can generate cooperative norms that transcend its organizational boundaries. This resonates with research by Krishna (2007) who finds cooperative norms to be linked to self-initiated community-based organizations....

    [...]

  • ...labeled as weak ties (Granovetter, 1973), bridging (Adler & Kwon, 2002), wide radius of trust (Fukuyama, 2001), or bonds of solidarity within a given community/nation (Portes & Landolt). With a growing “radius of trust,” more external effects are being internalized, strangers are no longer seen as outsiders, and societal norms of cooperation emerge (Fukuyama; Putnam, 2000; Stephan & Uhlaner, 2010; Westlund & Adam, 2010). The presence of far-reaching weak ties within a nation lowers transaction costs by facilitating access to new and more valuable information and other resources. It also enhances mobility and can mitigate social exclusion, enabling more individuals to access new opportunities and resources. Widespread weak-tie social capital within a nation can therefore support entrepreneurship (Kwon & Arenius, 2010; Stephan & Uhlaner, 2010). Because social capital at the national level is seen as “endowed,” rooted in stable cultural traits (Adler & Kwon, 2002; Westlund & Adam, 2010), it is usually viewed as irrelevant from a policy perspective (Fukuyama, 2001; Portes, 1998). However, social entrepreneurship, by supporting societal objectives and group needs, builds cooperation and goodwill and hence social entrepreneurs’ actions, and the enterprises they create enhance cooperative norms within a nation. Thus, social entrepreneurship offers a view on nation-level social capital which is constructible and growing through use. Social entrepreneurship can generate these positive spillover effects because it reflects bottom-up social self-organization that aims to benefit others. It provides positive signals about caring for others and examples of goodwill and cooperation. Moreover, the organizations that social entrepreneurs create are often built to overcome social exclusion and to enhance market participation by those in society who are underprivileged. Thus, they create new ties, often at the cost of breaking existing social barriers (Mair & Marti, 2009; Mair et al., 2012). Addressing social problems which are multifaceted, social entrepreneurs build collaborative relationships with a wide range of stakeholders thereby cutting across and bridging diverse groups (e.g., DiDomenico, Haugh, & Tracey, 2010; Peredo & Chrisman, 2006). It is this outreaching aspect, widening Fukuyama’s (2001) “radius of trust,” that may make social entrepreneurship a factor in building ties based on the nationwide community rather than local social segmentation. Mair and Marti (2009) view social entrepreneurship as closely related to institutional entrepreneurship; an argument we extend by stressing that the informal institutions built by the “social bricoleurs” (Zahra et al....

    [...]

  • ..., Adler & Kwon, 2002; Westlund & Adam, 2010); we add to this by highlighting an emergent, bottom-up process of social capital creation. Moreover, common indicators of nation-level social capital focus on cohesive networks and associations, which do not automatically generate positive externalities because the gains may come at the cost of excluding outsiders (Portes, 1998). In contrast, we posit social entrepreneurship as a source of social capital with strong positive externalities. The actions of social entrepreneurs and the enterprises they create enhance cooperative norms within a nation, providing positive signals about caring for others through working to support societal objectives and group needs. Through their work, they build collaborative relationships with stakeholders, bridging diverse social groups and overcoming social exclusion by building new ties across social groups. By undertaking other-regarding exchanges, social entrepreneurs enhance cooperative norms and weak-tie social capital. This lowers transaction costs, making it easier for commercial entrepreneurs to access new information, resources, and opportunities. We therefore respond to Zahra and Wright’s (2011) call for further research on the linkages between social and commercial entrepreneurship, and propose the concept of social capital as an appropriate lens to apply to this relationship....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Baron and Kenny's procedure for determining if an independent variable affects a dependent variable through some mediator is so well known that it is used by authors and requested by reviewers almost reflexively.
Abstract: Baron and Kenny’s procedure for determining if an independent variable affects a dependent variable through some mediator is so well known that it is used by authors and requested by reviewers almost reflexively. Many research projects have been terminated early in a research program or later in the review process because the data did not conform to Baron and Kenny’s criteria, impeding theoretical development. While the technical literature has disputed some of Baron and Kenny’s tests, this literature has not diffused to practicing researchers. We present a nontechnical summary of the flaws in the Baron and Kenny logic, some of which have not been previously noted. We provide a decision tree and a step-by-step procedure for testing mediation, classifying its type, and interpreting the implications of findings for theory building and future research.

8,032 citations