Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference
About: This article is published in British Journal of Sociology.The article was published on 1970-06-01. It has received 4205 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Social organization & Ethnic group.
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27 Jun 2014
TL;DR: The Routledge Handbook of Global Citizenship Studies as mentioned in this paper provides an overview of the practices and enactments of citizenship across broad continental regions (Africas, Americas, Asias and Europes) as well as deterritorialized forms of citizenship.
Abstract: Citizenship studies is at a crucial moment of globalizing as a field. What used to be mainly a European, North American, and Australian field has now expanded to major contributions featuring scholarship from Latin America, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East.
The Routledge Handbook of Global Citizenship Studies takes into account this globalizing moment. At the same time, it considers how the global perspective exposes the strains and discords in the concept of ‘citizenship’ as it is understood today. With over fifty contributions from international, interdisciplinary experts, the Handbook features state-of-the-art analyses of the practices and enactments of citizenship across broad continental regions (Africas, Americas, Asias and Europes) as well as deterritorialized forms of citizenship (Diasporicity and Indigeneity). Through these analyses, the Handbook provides a deeper understanding of citizenship in both empirical and theoretical terms.
This volume sets a new agenda for scholarly investigations of citizenship. Its wide-ranging contributions and clear, accessible style make itessential reading for students and scholars working on citizenship issues across the humanities and social sciences.
122 citations
TL;DR: The data support a cultural transmission process in adult chimpanzees, which leads to persisting cultural behavior of one community over time, and that the high level of similarity in behavior is actively adopted by group members possibly even when originally expressing the behavior in another form.
Abstract: The notion of animal culture has been well established mainly through research aiming at uncovering differences between populations. In chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes verus), cultural diversity has even been found in neighboring communities, where differences were observed despite frequent immigration of individuals. Female chimpanzees transfer at the onset of sexual maturity at an age, when the behavioral repertoire is fully formed. With immigrating females, behavioral variety enters the group. Little is known about the diversity and the longevity of cultural traits within a community. This study is building on previous findings of differences in hammer selection when nut cracking between neighboring communities despite similar ecological conditions. We now further investigated the diversity and maintenance of cultural traits within one chimpanzee community and were able to show high levels of uniformity in group-specific behavior. Fidelity to the behavior pattern did not vary between dispersing females and philopatric males. Furthermore, group-specific tool selection remained similar over a period of 25 years. Additionally, we present a study case on how one newly immigrant female progressively behaved more similar to her new group, suggesting that the high level of similarity in behavior is actively adopted by group members possibly even when originally expressing the behavior in another form. Taken together, our data support a cultural transmission process in adult chimpanzees, which leads to persisting cultural behavior of one community over time. Am. J. Primatol. 76:649–657, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
120 citations
Cites background or methods from "Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The S..."
...conformity to the behaviors of the new group [Barth, 1969]....
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...Differences among human populations remain over long periods of time despite the exchange of individuals between neighboring groups through marriage and migration, mainly driven by conformity to the behaviors of the new group [Barth, 1969]....
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TL;DR: In many bilingual and multilingual communities, certain communicative practices are code-specific in that they conventionally require, and are constituted in part through, the speaker's use of a particular code as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In many bilingual and multilingual communities, certain communicative practices are code-specific in that they conventionally require, and are constituted in part through, the speaker's use of a particular code. Code-specific communicative practices, in turn, simultaneously constitute and partake of code-specific genres: normative, relatively stable, often metapragmatically salient types of utterance, or modes of discourse, that conventionally call for use of a particular code. This article suggests that the notions of code specificity and code-specific genre can be useful ones for theorizing the relationship between code and communicative practice in bilingual/multilingual settings, particularly those in which language shift and other contact-induced processes of linguistic and cultural change tend to highlight that relationship. This is demonstrated through an examination of how young children in St. Lucia are socialized to “curse” and otherwise assert themselves by means of a creole language that under most circumstances they are discouraged from using.The fieldwork on which this article is based was supported by the Fulbright Program, the National Science Foundation, and the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research; immediate post-fieldwork support was provided by the Spencer Foundation. The work time necessary for writing this article was made possible by a Temple University Presidential Research Incentive Summer Fellowship, a Temple University Research/Study Leave, and a Wenner-Gren Foundation Richard Carley Hunt Fellowship. For their comments on a much briefer earlier version (presented at the 2003 Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association), I thank Bambi Schieffelin, Patricia Baquedano-Lopez, and Leslie Moore. For comments on this version, I am grateful to Jane Hill and two anonymous reviewers. I am solely responsible for any and all shortcomings.
120 citations
Book•
08 Jun 2008TL;DR: The authors argue that there are three types of political institutions that are fundamental in securing a centripetal style of democratic governance: unitary (rather than federal) sovereignty, a parliamentary executive, and a closed-list PR electoral system.
Abstract: This book outlines the importance of political institutions in achieving good governance within a democratic polity and sets forth an argument to explore what sorts of institutions do the job best. By focusing on 'centripetal institutions', which maximize both representation and authority by bringing political energy and actors toward the centre of a polity, the authors set forth a relatively novel theory of democratic governance, applicable to all political settings in which multi-party competition obtains. Basing their theory on national-level political institutions, the authors argue that there are three types of political institutions that are fundamental in securing a centripetal style of democratic governance: unitary (rather than federal) sovereignty, a parliamentary (rather than presidential) executive, and a closed-list PR electoral system (rather than a single-member district or preferential-vote system).
119 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: The National Indian Uprising of 1990 as mentioned in this paper was characterized by tens of thousands of Indian peasants stopping delivering farm produce to the towns and blocked the main highways, picketed on the roadsides and marched en masse in regional capitals.
Abstract: In June of 1990, the mountains of the Ecuadorian Sierra provided the setting for a spectacular display of protest. For an entire week, tens of thousands of Indian peasants stopped delivering farm produce to the towns and blocked the main highways, picketed on the roadsides and marched en masse in regional capitals. In some places, demonstrators seized the offices of government agencies, and in others, localized skirmishes reportedly broke out where landowners and Indian communities had been embroiled in unresolved land disputes. The protest was called by CONAIE, the Confederacion de Nacionalidades Indigenas del Ecuador. The name given to the event, Levantamiento Nacional Indigena (National Indian Uprising), was chosen to establish continuity with the Indian insurrections of the colonial era and the nineteenth century. It soon became apparent, however, that this levantamiento was not actually cast in the mold of the localized, violent upheavals typical of the past. After Indian activists occupied one of the oldest churches in Quito in a symbolic opening move, popular protest swelled into a general civic strike, a massive moratorium suspending all normal activities in favor of an array of contentious acts. Caught by surprise, the social-democratic government of President Rodrigo Borja deployed the police and the army to restrain the mobilization. But the composed demeanor of the protesters and the prudence displayed by the authorities allowed the episode to wind down with little violence. The turnout was particularly heavy in the central highlands, where the largest concentrations of rural and Indian populations live. In Chimborazo, Cotopaxi,
119 citations