Exploring the Parameters of China's Economic Influence.
05 Mar 2021-Studies in Comparative International Development (Springer Science and Business Media LLC)-Vol. 56, Iss: 1, pp 1-27
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore existing scholarship on these questions, and assess promising directions for future research, and explore existing research designs that allow identification of mechanisms of potential influence, without thoughtful conceptualization of key assumptions and creation of research designs.
Abstract: To what extent do China's linkages to the global economy translate into political influence in other countries? This topic is the focus of copious amounts of policy and scholarly attention in the USA and around the world. Yet without thoughtful conceptualization of key assumptions and creation of research designs that allow identification of mechanisms of potential influence, we cannot gain an accurate understanding of Chinese influence. How can we assess Beijing's intentions? Through what mechanisms-both intended and unintended-might influence arise, and under what conditions is influence most likely to occur? To what degree are Chinese companies agents of the state and therefore tools of economic statecraft? What factors condition how host countries react to economic ties with China? In this article, we explore existing scholarship on these questions, and assess promising directions for future research.
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TL;DR: Wang et al. as discussed by the authors explored various aspects of data politics through the lens of China's digital rise and the country's global engagement, showing that data differs from traditional strategic assets (e.g., land, oil, and labor), in that it is nonrival and partially excludable.
Abstract: Data has become one of the most valuable assets for governments and firms. Yet, we still have a limited understanding of how data reshapes international economic relations. This paper explores various aspects of data politics through the lens of China's digital rise and the country's global engagement. I start with the theoretical premise that data differs from traditional strategic assets (e.g., land, oil, and labor), in that it is nonrival and partially excludable. These characteristics have generated externality, commitment, and valuation problems, triggering three fundamental changes in China's external economic relations. First, data's externality problem makes it necessary for states to regulate data or even to pursue data sovereignty. However, clashes over data sovereignty can ignite conflicts between China and other countries. Second, the commitment problem in data use raises global concerns about foreign government surveillance. As data is easier to transfer across borders than physical commodities, Chinese tech companies' investments abroad are vulnerable to national security investigations by foreign regulators. Chinese tech companies, therefore, confront a "deep versus broad" dilemma: deep ties with the Chinese government help promote their domestic business but jeopardize their international expansion. Lastly, data's valuation problem makes traditional measures (e.g., GDP) ill-suited to measure the relative strengths of the world's economies, which may distort perceptions of China and other states.
20 citations
TL;DR: This paper examined Peruvians' views of China and whether they think China should be a model for their country, finding that only a small proportion preferred China as a model to Peru.
Abstract: China’s economic involvement in Latin America has increased dramatically in the twenty-first century, often due to China’s demand for natural resources. Chinese President Xi Jinping and his government have actively courted Latin America to pave the way for economic interactions. Chinese leaders have been working to foster China’s “soft power” abroad. Nonetheless, we know relatively little about how Latin Americans perceive China and how Latin Americans’ experiences with Chinese firms over the past two decades have shaped their views. Have Chinese efforts at cultivating “soft power” worked? Or have the actions of Chinese mining firms damaged China’s reputation? Using the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) coupled with data on Chinese investments in Peru, I examine Peruvians’ views of China and whether Peruvians think China should be a model for their country. I find that while Peruvians generally trust the Chinese government, only a small proportion prefers China as a model for Peru. The relationship between Chinese investment and public opinion is mixed. However, Peruvians who strongly value democracy are less likely to prefer China as a model for their country. The data also suggest that China still has an opportunity to shape public opinion in Peru, despite conflicts with Peruvian communities over mining projects.
9 citations
TL;DR: Zhang et al. as discussed by the authors developed a framework for examining the grand strategies of great powers through the use of role contestation literature, identifying national role conceptions advocated by leaders and political factions, and then compare them to detect contestation between their favored foreign policy roles.
Abstract:
This paper develops a framework for examining the grand strategies of great powers through the use of the role contestation literature. We first identify national role conceptions advocated by leaders and political factions, and then compare them to detect contestation between their favored foreign policy roles. We argue that long-term consensus on certain roles may coalesce into the enduring ingredients of grand strategies, while the existence of a high amount of role contestation between leaders and political factions over roles may suggest foreign policy is guided by more temporary foreign policy beliefs. We explore this argument through an illustrative case of contemporary China. Our findings identify substantial variation between the national role conceptions of China's leaders and their factions over time. Of particular note, we find that (1) President Xi Jinping seems to be experiencing a much higher amount of role contestation within the party on more nationalistic and aggressive roles than his predecessors, and (2) certain roles, such as developer, Tianxia, regional leadership, and internal developer, are very consistent among both leaders and their factions over time such that these roles can be considered as part of China's grand strategy. This study shows how role theory might inform the analysis of grand strategy by offering a means of observing enduring features of grand strategy that could be applied more broadly to other countries.
7 citations
TL;DR: This paper investigated the effects of proximity to Chinese FDI on local perceptions of China's approach to development in Africa and found that people living near Chinese investment projects reduce support for a China model of development, while those living near service projects hold more mixed views.
6 citations
TL;DR: The authors found that public perceptions of China are much more nuanced and conflicted than can be quickly gleaned from the simple dichotomy of “favorable versus unfavorable, especially as one moves from overall impressions to more specific policy issues.
Abstract: How is China viewed by citizens of other countries? Popular polling data based on the feeling thermometer scale can reveal overall patterns of public sentiment toward China, but they do not necessarily capture the multidimensional preferences of the public. This article takes a deeper dive into a series of surveys conducted in Canada that covered a wide range of topics, from trade and investment to international leadership. Two broad conclusions follow. First, public perceptions of China are much more nuanced and conflicted than can be quickly gleaned from the simple dichotomy of “favorable versus unfavorable,” especially as one moves from overall impressions to more specific policy issues. Second, misperceptions of China are widespread and may be difficult to overcome, especially among those who already view China negatively. At a time when countries around the world are grappling with the rise of China and its expanding global footprint, failure to account for these features in public opinion about China may lead to misguided policies.
5 citations
References
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TL;DR: Zimbardo et al. as discussed by the authors studied the effects of severity of initiation and high penalties for exiting from public goods (and evils) on consumer reactions to price rise and quality decline in the case of several connoisseur goods.
Abstract: 1. Introduction and Doctrinal Background Enter "exit" and "voice" Latitude for deterioration, and slack in economic thought Exit and voice as impersonations of economics and politics 2. Exit How the exit option works Competition as collusive behavior 3. Voice Voice as a residual of exit Voice as an alternative to exit 4. A Special Difficulty in Combining Exit and Voice 5. How Monopoly Can be Comforted by Competition 6. On Spatial Duopoly and the Dynamics of Two-Party Systems 7. A Theory of Loyalty The activation of voice as a function of loyalty Loyalist behavior as modified by severe initiation and high penalties for exit Loyalty and the difficult exit from public goods (and evils) 8. Exit and Voice in American Ideology and Practice 9. The Elusive Optimal Mix of Exit and Voice Appendixes A. A simple diagrammatic representation of voice and exit B. The choice between voice and exit C. The reversal phenomenon D. Consumer reactions to price rise and quality decline in the case of several connoisseur goods F. The effects of severity of initiation on activism: design for an experiment (in collaboration with Philip G. Zimbardo and Mark Snyder) Index
6,810 citations
Book•
18 Jun 1974
TL;DR: The One-Dimensional view, the Two-dimensional view, and the three-dimensional views of power and interest were compared in this article, where the Underlying Concept of Power - Power and Interest - Three Views Compared
Abstract: The One-Dimensional View - The Two-Dimensional View - The Three-Dimensional View - The Underlying Concept of Power - Power and Interest - The Three Views Compared - Conclusion - Bibliography
5,337 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the conflicts between the financial interests of the coal and land companies and the moral rights of the vulnerable mountaineers are explained to outsiders, and the conflicts are discussed.
Abstract: Explains to outsiders the conflicts between the financial interests of the coal and land companies, and the moral rights of the vulnerable mountaineers.
998 citations
816 citations
TL;DR: For example, the United Nations Security Council imposed sanctions to force Iraq out of Kuwait, to force Serbia to stop aiding the Bosnian rebels, to topple the Haitian military, and to end apartheid.
Abstract: T h e worlds major powers and the United Nations (UN) are increasingly using economic sanctions to achieve international political objectives. For example, the United Nations recently imposed sanctions to force Iraq out of Kuwait, to compel Serbia to stop aiding the Bosnian rebels, to topple the Haitian military, and to end apartheid. Similarly, the United States has threatened to punish China economically for human rights abuses and has tightened its long-standing embargo of Cuba. From 1991 to 1994 the UN Security Council imposed mandatory sanctions eight times, compared to only twice from 1945 to 1990.' A critical signal that faith in economic sanctions continues to grow was given in January 1995, when then-UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali prop s e d the creation of a new UN agency to monitor the implementation of economic sanctions and to assess in advance the likely effectiveness of contemplated sanctions? Military instruments are often thought to be the only effective means for achieving ambitious foreign policy goals like taking or defending territory, altering a state's military behavior, and changing a state's regime or internal political structure. Since World War I, however, economic sanctions have come to be viewed as the liberal alternative to war.3 From crises involving the League of Nations before World War I1 to disputes involving the United Nations today, proponents typically argue that economic sanctions can often be as effective as military force and are more humane. As David Baldwin has stated, \"Reasonable people may differ with respect to the utility of
749 citations