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Journal ArticleDOI

Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: A representational approach

01 Jun 2012-Lingua (Elsevier)-Vol. 122, Iss: 8, pp 922-951

TL;DR: The paper shows how feature geometry may be adapted to capture the effects of contrastive specification and express markedness relations, and proposes a novel approach to hierarchies involving the sonority of coda segments.
Abstract: This paper proposes an account of final devoicing in Friulian which relies on contrastive feature specification and feature geometry to explicate the connection between final devoicing and vowel lengthening. It is proposed that obstruents which are the outcome of final devoicing are phonologically distinct from true voiceless obstruents, being completely unspecified for laryngeal features. It is argued that the representational deficiency of such delaryngealized obstruents is directly connected to their inability to license a mora, which opens the way to vowel lengthening. More generally, the paper shows how feature geometry may be adapted to capture the effects of contrastive specification and express markedness relations, and proposes a novel approach to hierarchies involving the sonority of coda segments.
Topics: Sonority hierarchy (56%), Obstruent (54%), Feature geometry (53%), Vowel (50%)

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NOTICE: this is the author’s version of a work that was accepted for publi-
cation in Lingua. Changes resulting from the publishing process, such as peer
review, editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control mech-
anisms may not be reflected in this document. Changes may have been made to
this work since it was submitted for publication. A definitive version is later to be
published in Lingua, doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2012.03.004
1

Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: a
representational approach
Pavel Iosad
Center for Advanced Study in Theoretical Linguistics (CASTL)
University of Tromsø
Tromsø 9037
Norway
Abstract
This paper proposes an account of final devoicing in Friulian which relies on
contrastive feature specification and feature geometry to explicate the connection
between final devoicing and vowel lengthening. It is proposed that obstruents
which are the outcome of final devoicing are phonologically distinct from true
voiceless obstruents, being completely unspecified for laryngeal features. It is
argued that the representational deficiency of such delaryngealized obstruents is
directly connected to their inability to license a mora, which opens the way to
vowel lengthening. More generally, the paper shows how feature geometry may be
adapted to capture the effects of contrastive specification and express markedness
relations, and proposes a novel approach to hierarchies involving the sonority of
coda segments.
Keywords: final devoicing, moraic theory, sonority hierarchy, feature geometry,
Romance languages
The present paper has two purposes. Empirically, it focuses on final devoicing
in Friulian and on the connection between final devoicing a nd vowel lengthening.
Its aim is to account both for the phonetic phenomena involved in final devoicing
and for the fact that stressed vowels are lengthened before devoiced obstruents
(but only in a word-final syllable). From a theoretical perspective, the paper takes
up several strands of recent research into markedness relations. I argue that feature
specifications should be assigned solely on the basis of phenomena attested within
Email address: pavel.iosad@uit.no (Pavel Iosad)
Preprint submitted to Lingua March 21, 2012

Manner Labial Dental Alveolar Postalveolar Palatal Velar
Stop p b t d c é k g
Fricative f v s z S (Z)
Nasal m n ñ N
Affricate ts dz
>
tS
>
dZ
Approximant w j
Rhotic r
Lateral l
Table 1: The consonantal inventory of Central Friulian
the language at hand, and show how feature geometry can be used to reproduce
the effects of both a hierarchy of contrastive features (Dresher, 2003, 2009; Hall,
2007) and de Lacy’s (2006) CoMP theory of markedness. Further, I discuss how
Friulian data necessitate the amendment of existing proposals with regard to the
universality of hierarchies enforcing higher sonority of coda consonants.
The organization of the paper is as follows. In section 1 I present the Friulian
data which form the empirical basis of the paper. Section 2 presents the assump-
tions I make in order to analyse these data, and the analysis itself is presented in
section 3. In section 4 I compare the proposed account with some of those previ-
ously proposed for the phenomena at hand and discuss several conceptual issues.
Section 5 is a brief conclusion.
1. Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian
In this paper I concentrate on final devoicing in Friulian, with a focus on the
best-described Central varieties; among useful sources are Francescato (1966);
Vanelli (1979); Frau (1984); Hualde (1990); Repetti (1992); Baroni and Vanelli
(2000); Finco (2009). An overview of relevant facts in other dialects can be found
in Repetti (1992); Videsott (2001), and diachronic commentary is provided by
Morin (1992, 2003); Loporcaro (2007, 2011a).
1.1. The inventories
The consonantal inventory of Central Friulian is shown in table 1 (Miotti,
2002; Finco, 2009). The presentation is slightly more surface-oriented than in
the explicitly phonological chart of Finco (2009); for instance, [N] is included
despite being noncontrastive (see below).
3

Front Central Back
Height Short Long Short Long Short Long
High i i: u u:
Mid-high e e: o o:
Mid-low E E: O O:
Low a a:
Table 2: Stressed vowels in Central Friulian
The inventory is quite standard for Romance languages; however, an important
point is the presence of both palatal stops /c é/ and postalveolar affricates.
The consonant [N] is not contrastive, being only found as a coda allophone of
some (Miotti, 2002) or all (Baroni and Vanelli, 2000; Finco, 2009) nasals, though
other nasals may appear in the coda if they share place specification with the
following segment.
1
The vowel inventory of stressed syllables in Central Friulian is shown in ta-
ble 2. The monophthongal pronunciation of long vowels is a characteristic of this
dialect group; other Friulian varieties often show various diphthongs.
2
The long
mid-low vowels /E: O:/ are said to be peripheral to the system and often merge
with the mid-high /e: o:/.
In unstressed position, all long vowels are excluded, as are the mid-low /E O/,
thus presenting the classic five-vowel /i u e o a/ system.
1
An anonymous reviewer suggests that the segment transcribed as [N] in coda position not
before a consonant might in fact simply be nasalization, as found, for instance, in Japanese (e. g.
Trigo, 1988), and that it can be phonologically interpreted as a placeless nasal. I am not aware
of any detailed phonetic study of this matter for Friulian; Miotti (2002) states that the coda nasal
is velar, but does not provide instrumental data and also mentions a “partially assimilated velar
articulation”, which might well correspond to what the reviewer suggests. I do find this sugges-
tion very plausible. As long as we accept that phonologically the nasalization represents a nasal
segment, this does not have a significant bearing on the analysis. I keep the transcription to retain
ease of comparison with the sources.
2
See, for instance, Miotti (2007). The long monophthongs of Central Friulian are a secondary
development with respect to these diphthongs, and indeed still described as phonetically diphthon-
gized by Miotti (2002).
4

1.2. Vowel length and codas
Long vowels in Central Friulian are restricted to the final or penultimate stressed
syllable. Vowels in antepenultimate syllables, even in the rare cases when they are
stressed, are never long. Moreover, long vowels in penultimate syllables are also
relatively rare, and in fact not present in all varieties of Friulian. Some examples
are shown in (1).
(1) a. [ma:ri] ‘mother’ (Vulgar Latin MATREM)
b. [vo:li] ‘eye’ (Vulgar Latin OC(U)LUM)
c. [fra:di] ‘brother’ (Vulgar Latin FRATREM)
The existence of such examples is important because it establishes beyond
reasonable doubt the existence of a vowel length contrast in the relevant varieties:
cf. the examples in (2), which show the existence of a contrast between "CV:CV
and "CVCV words.
(2) a. ["lade] ‘gone (fem. sg.)’
b. ["pale] ‘shovel’
A very different picture is found in word-final (stressed) syllables. In word-final
open syllables, the vowel length contrast is neutralized in Central Friulian in
favour of the short vowel (Miotti, 2002; Finco, 2009). Thus, while some dialects
still retain a contrast between forms such as ["di:] ‘to say’ (orthographically d
ˆ
ı) and
["di] ‘day’ (d
`
ı), or [can"ta:] ‘to sing’ (cjant
ˆ
a) and [can"ta] ‘(s)he sang’ (cjant
`
a), in
Central Friulian the stressed vowel in all these forms is phonologically short.
The most complex situation is found in word-final stressed closed syllables.
The nature, and indeed the very presence of a vowel length contrast in this position
is intricately related to the featural make-up of the coda.
The length contrast is undoubtedly present if the c oda contains the lateral [l],
as exemplified by the minimal pairs in (3).
(3) a. (i) ["val] ‘valley’
(ii) ["va:l] ‘(it) costs’
b. (i) ["mil] ‘thousand’
(ii) ["mi:l] ‘honey’
There are several contexts where the contrast is neutralized. Specifically, only
short vowels are allowed before coda nasals (including nasals as parts of clusters)
and the postalveolar affricate [
>
tS]:
5

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References
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Book
24 Sep 2004
Abstract: Prefactory Note. Acknowledgments. 1. Preliminaries:. Background and Overview. Optimality. Overall Structure of the Argument. Overview of Part I. 2. Optimality in Grammar: Core Syllabification in Imdlawn Tashlhiyt Berber:. The Heart of Dell & Elmedlaoui. Optimality Theory. Summary of discussion to date. 3. Generalization--Forms in Domination Hierarchies IBlocking and Triggering: Profuseness and Economy:. Epenthetic Structure. Do Something Only When: The Failure of Bottom--up Constructionism. 4. Generalization--Forms in Domination Hierarchies IIDo Something Except When: Blocking, or The Theory of Profuseness:. Edge--Oriented Infixation. Interaction of Weight Effects with Extrametricality. Background: Prominence--Driven Stress Systems. The Interaction of Weight and Extrametricality: Kelkar's Hindi/Urdu. Nonfinality and Nonexhaustiveness. Nonfinality and the Laws of Foot Form: Raw Minimality. Nonfinality and the Laws of Foot Form:Extended Minimality Effects. Summary of Discussion of the Except When Effect. Except meets Only: Triggering and Blocking in a Single Grammar. 5. The Construction of Grammar in Optimality Theory:. Construction of Harmonic Orderings from Phonetic and Structural Scales. The Theory of Constraint Interaction. Comparison of Entire Candidates by a Single Constraint. Ons: Binary constraints. Hnuc: Non--binary constraints. Comparison of Entire Candidates by an Entire Constraint Hierarchy. Discussion. Non--locality of interaction. Strictness of domination. Serial vs. Parallel Harmony Evaluation and Gen. Binary vs. Non--binary constraints. Paoini's Theorem on Constraint Ranking. Overview of Part II. 6. Syllable Structure Typology I: the CV Theory:. The Jakobson Typology. The Faithfulness Interactions. Groundwork. Basic CV Syllable Theory. Onsets. Codas. The Theory of Epenthesis Sites. 7. Constraint Interaction in Lardil Phonology:. The Constraints. The Ranking. Some Ranking Logic. Ranking the Constraints. Verification of Forms. Consonant--Final Stems. Vowel Final Stems. Discussion. 8. Universal Syllable Theory II: Ordinal Construction of C/V and Onset/Coda Licensing Asymmetry:. Associational Harmony. Deconstructing Hnuc: Berber, Take 1. Restricting to Binary Marks. Reconstructing the C and V Classes: Emergent Parameter Setting via Constraint Ranking. Harmonic Completeness of Possible Onsets and Peaks. Peak-- and Margin--Affinity. Interactions with Parse. Restricting Deletion and Epenthesis. Further Necessary Conditions on Possible Onsets and Nuclei. Sufficient Conditions on Possible Onsets and Nuclei. The Typology of Onset, Nucleus, and Coda Inventories. The Typology of Onset and Nucleus Inventories. Onset/Coda Licensing Asymmetries. An Example: Berber, Take 2. Simplifying the Theory by Encapsulating Constraint Packages. Encapsulating the Association Hierarchies. An Example: Berber, Take 3. Sufficiency and Richness of the Encapsulated Theory. 9. Inventory Theory and the Lexicon:. Language--Particular Inventories. Harmonic Bounding and Nucleus, Syllable, and Word Inventories. Segmental Inventories. Universal Inventories. Segmental Inventories. Syllabic Inventories. Optimality in the Lexicon. 10. Foundational Issues and Theory--Comparisons:. Thinking about Optimality. Fear of Optimization. The Reassurance. The Connectionism Connection, and other Computation--based Comparisons. Why Optimality Theory has nothing to do with connectionism. Why Optimality Theory is deeply connected to connectionism. Harmony Maximization and Symbolic Cognition. Analysis of 'Phonotactics+Repair' Theories. CV Syllable Structure and Repair. General Structure of the Comparisons: Repair Analysis. Persistent Rule Theory. English Closed Syllable Shortening. Shona Tone Spreading. Summary. The Theory of Constraints and Repair Strategies. Appendix. A.1 The Cancellation and Cancellation/Domination Lemmas. A.2 CV Syllable Structure. A.3 Paoinia s Theorem on Constraint--ranking. References. Index of Constraints. Index of Languages. General Index

4,238 citations


"Final devoicing and vowel lengtheni..." refers background in this paper

  • ...In the context of Optimality Theory, the connection between contrast, markedness, and structural complexity has been pursued by Causley (1999)....

    [...]

  • ...(16) Subset ordering of violation sets: faithfulness constraints 〈Root,Lar,[voice]〉 *MAX(Root) MAX(Lar) MAX([voice]) a. 〈 /0〉 * * * b. 〈Root〉 * * c. 〈Root,Lar〉 * d. 〈Root,Lar,[voice]〉 Such ordered sets are familiar in recent Optimality Theoretic literature from work by de Lacy (2002, 2006, et passim), who calls them stringent violation sets....

    [...]

  • ...Details of this latter differ across implementations: for instance, Prince and Smolensky (1993) propose a set of markedness constraints on syllable nuclei and margins; Morén (2001), following Zec (1988), argues that constraints against moraicity of sonority classes are arranged in a fixed…...

    [...]

  • ...This account, which essentially recapitulates the version of the historical development suggested by Francescato (1966); Vanelli (1979), is not reproducible in a parallel version of Optimality Theory, and thus Friulian data would appear to be problematic for parallel OT....

    [...]

  • ...(13) a. Western Lombard (Casale Corte Cerro) (Weber Wetzel, 2002, p. 110) (i) [ > dZi"lu:z ˚ ] ‘jealous (masc. sg.)’ (ii) [ > dZi"lu;z5] ‘jealous (fem. sg.)’4 b. Eastern Regional French (Montreuil, 2010, p. 156) (i) [frE:s] ‘strawberry’ (ii) [frEzje] ‘strawberry bush’ Long vowels that precede a word-final lateral can also alternate with a short vowel in a non-final syllable: (14) a. ["sa:l] ‘salt’ b. ["sale] ‘(s)he salts’ In the rest of the paper I demonstrate that if the alternating vowels are assumed to be a product of lengthening, an elegant account of the quantity facts is available in parallel Optimality Theory....

    [...]


Book
01 Jan 1995
Abstract: In this account of metrical stress theory, Bruce Hayes builds on the notion that stress constitutes linguistic rhythm - that stress patterns are rhythmically organized, and that formal structures proposed for rhythm can provide a suitable account of stress. Through an extensive typological survey of word stress rules that uncovers widespread asymmetries, he identifies a fundamental distinction between iambic and trochaic rhythm, called the "Iambic/Trochaic law," and argues that it has pervasive effects among the rules and structures responsible for stress. Hayes incorporates the iambic/trochaic opposition into a general theory of word stress assignment, intended to account for all languages in which stress is assigned on phonological, as opposed to morphological, principles. His theory addresses particularly problematic areas in metrical work, such as ternary stress and unusual weight distinctions, and he proposes new theoretical accounts of them. Attempting to take more seriously the claim of generative grammar to be an account of linguistic universals, Hayes proposes analyses for the stress patterns of over 150 languages. Hayes compares his own innovative views with alternatives from the literature, allowing students to gain an overview of the field. "Metrical Stress Theory" should interest all who seek to understand the role of stress in language.

1,435 citations


Book
Juliette Blevins1Institutions (1)
01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: This chapter discusses the evolution of geminates, the role of language in phonology, and some uncommon sound patterns found in this area.
Abstract: Preface Acknowledgements Part I. Preliminaries: 1. What is evolutionary phonology? 2. Evolution in language and elsewhere 3. Explanation in phonology: a brief history of ideas Part II. Sound Patterns: 4. Laryngeal features 5. Place features 6. Other common sound patterns 7. The evolution of geminates 8. Some uncommon sound patterns Part III. Implications: 9. Synchronic phonology 10. Diachronic phonology 11. Beyond phonology References Language index Subject index.

582 citations


"Final devoicing and vowel lengtheni..." refers background in this paper

  • ...This might be not very satisfying for those committed to explaining the extent of variation solely in terms of constraint reranking, but still remains a possibility (Kavitskaya, 2002; Blevins, 2005; Barnes, 2006; Mielke, 2007; Yu, 2007; Reiss, 2007)....

    [...]


Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: Cyclic phonology-morphology interactions and opacity have been dealt with in strictly parallelist OT by introducing new constraint types, including Base-Output constraints and Sympathy. An alternative OT approach to the phonology-morphology interface is a constraint-based version of Lexical Phonology and Morphology (LPM), in which stems, words, and sentences are subject to separate, serially related OT constraint systems. I show that OT-based LPM provides a superior account of the cyclic morphology/phonology interaction in Levantine data from which Kenstowicz and Kager drew support for Base-Output constraints, and that the same account explains the derivational opacity phenomena for which Sympathy theory provides a purely descriptive solution.

417 citations


"Final devoicing and vowel lengtheni..." refers background or methods in this paper

  • ...The universality of markedness hierarchies The theory of markedness hierarchies presented by de Lacy (2006) relies on multi-valued features like [Place], with a fixed universal mapping between the values of these features and phonological objects such as [coronal]. However, the universality of this mapping is not strictly necessary to derive markedness effects: this is an additional hypothesis, which restricts the possible variation space by excluding the existence of two languages where the order of phonological features on the markedness hierarchy is reversed. In de Lacy’s (2006) proposal, processes which seem to require an increase in markedness along a scale obeyed by other languages can only be due to hierarchy conflict, rather than to representational differences among the relevant languages....

    [...]

  • ...The universality of markedness hierarchies The theory of markedness hierarchies presented by de Lacy (2006) relies on multi-valued features like [Place], with a fixed universal mapping between the values of these features and phonological objects such as [coronal]. However, the universality of this mapping is not strictly necessary to derive markedness effects: this is an additional hypothesis, which restricts the possible variation space by excluding the existence of two languages where the order of phonological features on the markedness hierarchy is reversed. In de Lacy’s (2006) proposal, processes which seem to require an increase in markedness along a scale obeyed by other languages can only be due to hierarchy conflict, rather than to representational differences among the relevant languages. The present theory, on the other hand, allows for the possibility that [voiceless] obstruents are the most marked ones on Friulian, on the basis of them exhibiting preservation-of-the-marked behaviour in word-final delaryngealization. In other words, I argue that while markedness relationships within a language work in ways similar to those envisaged by de Lacy (2006), thanks to the architecture of constraint violations, the non-universal assignment of featural specifications means that markedness hierarchies across languages can vary depending on the structure of the specifications (cf....

    [...]

  • ...The universality of markedness hierarchies The theory of markedness hierarchies presented by de Lacy (2006) relies on multi-valued features like [Place], with a fixed universal mapping between the values of these features and phonological objects such as [coronal]....

    [...]

  • ...The approach employed by Hualde (1990) is of course potentially translatable into some serial version of OT, such as Stratal OT (Kiparsky, 2000; BermúdezOtero, forthcoming) or some version of Harmonic Serialism (McCarthy, 2007); see the next section....

    [...]


Book
01 Jan 1958

400 citations


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