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Journal ArticleDOI

Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850–2000

01 Jan 2002-History: Reviews of New Books (Taylor & Francis Group)-Vol. 30, Iss: 4, pp 158-158
About: This article is published in History: Reviews of New Books.The article was published on 2002-01-01. It has received 155 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Democracy.
Citations
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Book
01 Jan 2005
TL;DR: The Neoliberal State and Neoliberalism with 'Chinese Characteristics' as mentioned in this paper is an example of the Neoliberal state in the context of Chinese characteristics of Chinese people and its relationship with Chinese culture.
Abstract: Introduction 1 Freedom's Just Another Word 2 The Construction of Consent 3 The Neoliberal State 4 Uneven Geographical Developments 5 Neoliberalism with 'Chinese Characteristics' 6 Neoliberalism on Trial 7 Freedom's Prospect Notes Bibliography Index

10,062 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that in the case of the alterglobalization movement, we have to understand prefiguration itself as strategic, and when movement goals are multiple and not predetermined, then Prefiguration becomes the best strategy, because it is based in practice.
Abstract: In most accounts of social movements, prefiguration and strategy are treated as separate movement practices that are either contradictory or complementary to each other. In this article I argue that in the case of the alterglobalization movement, we have to understand prefiguration itself as strategic. When movement goals are multiple and not predetermined, then prefiguration becomes the best strategy, because it is based in practice. By literally trying out new political structures in large-scale, inter-cultural decision-making processes in matters ranging from global politics to daily life, movement actors are learning how to govern the world in a manner that fundamentally redesigns the way power operates. This process constitutes a prefigurative strategy in which movement actors pursue the goal of transforming global politics, not by appealing to multilateral organizations or nation-states, but by actively developing the alternative political structures needed to transform the way power operates.

287 citations


Cites background from "Forging Democracy: The History of t..."

  • ...…fell into discredit (due in part to the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 and subsequent invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968) as the New Left and various anarchist and situationist inspired movements gained in popularity (Eley, 2002, p. 316; Horn, 2007, pp. 131–152; Hecken & Grzenia, 2008)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the standard approach to policy-making and advice in economics implicitly or explicitly ignores politics and political economy, and maintains that if possible, any market failure should be rapidly removed.
Abstract: The standard approach to policy-making and advice in economics implicitly or explicitly ignores politics and political economy, and maintains that if possible, any market failure should be rapidly removed. This essay explains why this conclusion may be incorrect; because it ignores politics, this approach is oblivious to the impact of the removal of market failures on future political equilibria and economic efficiency, which can be deleterious. We first outline a simple framework for the study of the impact of current economic policies on future political equilibria— and indirectly on future economic outcomes. We then illustrate the mechanisms through which such impacts might operate using a series of examples. The main message is that sound economic policy should be based on a careful analysis of political economy and should factor in its influence on future political equilibria.

204 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that there is a trade-off between standard and non-standard cheap labor, and that countries that satisfy their need for cheap labor through standard employment do not develop large nonstandard sectors of their economies.
Abstract: In this article we aim to return labor (particularly the most vulnerable members of the labor market) to the core of the comparative political economy of advanced democracies. We formulate a framework with which to conceptualize cheap labor in advanced democracies. We propose that to understand the politics of cheap labor, the weakest members of the labor market need to be divided into two structural groups: those in standard and those in nonstandard employment. Standard cheap labor includes “regular jobs” while nonstandard cheap labor includes low-cost, flexible, and temporary jobs. We show that the use of cheap labor is significant in all industrialized democracies but that there are important contrasts in how different economies use cheap labor. We argue that there is a trade-off between standard and nonstandard cheap labor. Countries that satisfy their need for cheap labor through standard employment do not develop large nonstandard sectors of their economies. Countries that do not promote cheap labor in the standard sector, on the other hand, end up relying on an army of nonstandard workers to meet their cheap labor needs.

153 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the definitive features of a political regime pertain to how social conflict is organized, managed or ameliorated through modes of political participation, which encompass institutional structures and ideologies that shape the inclusion and exclusion of individuals and groups in the political process.
Abstract: Transition theory literature has been preoccupied with either identifying why democracy has not arrived or with how it can be consolidated where it has emerged. Most recently, arising out of the interest in consolidation, attention has turned to scrutinizing institutions for their democratic quality or lack thereof, not least within so-called hybrid regimes. However, such approaches obscure important political regime dynamics in Southeast Asia. This article argues that the definitive features of a political regime pertain to how social conflict is organized, managed or ameliorated through modes of political participation. Modes of participation encompass institutional structures and ideologies that shape the inclusion and exclusion of individuals and groups in the political process. The paradox in Southeast Asia over the last decade has been that increasing political participation has often been accompanied by a narrowing of the channels for political contestation. The article argues that modes of partici...

141 citations


Cites background from "Forging Democracy: The History of t..."

  • ...The work of Eley, who argues the pivotal importance of the political and ideological mobilization of class for the emergence, extension and contentiousness of representative politics, is relevant here.(20) Repression in Indonesia and elsewhere in Southeast Asia has severely weakened those forces that might have sustained such forms of class mobilization....

    [...]

References
More filters
Book
01 Jan 2005
TL;DR: The Neoliberal State and Neoliberalism with 'Chinese Characteristics' as mentioned in this paper is an example of the Neoliberal state in the context of Chinese characteristics of Chinese people and its relationship with Chinese culture.
Abstract: Introduction 1 Freedom's Just Another Word 2 The Construction of Consent 3 The Neoliberal State 4 Uneven Geographical Developments 5 Neoliberalism with 'Chinese Characteristics' 6 Neoliberalism on Trial 7 Freedom's Prospect Notes Bibliography Index

10,062 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that in the case of the alterglobalization movement, we have to understand prefiguration itself as strategic, and when movement goals are multiple and not predetermined, then Prefiguration becomes the best strategy, because it is based in practice.
Abstract: In most accounts of social movements, prefiguration and strategy are treated as separate movement practices that are either contradictory or complementary to each other. In this article I argue that in the case of the alterglobalization movement, we have to understand prefiguration itself as strategic. When movement goals are multiple and not predetermined, then prefiguration becomes the best strategy, because it is based in practice. By literally trying out new political structures in large-scale, inter-cultural decision-making processes in matters ranging from global politics to daily life, movement actors are learning how to govern the world in a manner that fundamentally redesigns the way power operates. This process constitutes a prefigurative strategy in which movement actors pursue the goal of transforming global politics, not by appealing to multilateral organizations or nation-states, but by actively developing the alternative political structures needed to transform the way power operates.

287 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the standard approach to policy-making and advice in economics implicitly or explicitly ignores politics and political economy, and maintains that if possible, any market failure should be rapidly removed.
Abstract: The standard approach to policy-making and advice in economics implicitly or explicitly ignores politics and political economy, and maintains that if possible, any market failure should be rapidly removed. This essay explains why this conclusion may be incorrect; because it ignores politics, this approach is oblivious to the impact of the removal of market failures on future political equilibria and economic efficiency, which can be deleterious. We first outline a simple framework for the study of the impact of current economic policies on future political equilibria— and indirectly on future economic outcomes. We then illustrate the mechanisms through which such impacts might operate using a series of examples. The main message is that sound economic policy should be based on a careful analysis of political economy and should factor in its influence on future political equilibria.

204 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that there is a trade-off between standard and non-standard cheap labor, and that countries that satisfy their need for cheap labor through standard employment do not develop large nonstandard sectors of their economies.
Abstract: In this article we aim to return labor (particularly the most vulnerable members of the labor market) to the core of the comparative political economy of advanced democracies. We formulate a framework with which to conceptualize cheap labor in advanced democracies. We propose that to understand the politics of cheap labor, the weakest members of the labor market need to be divided into two structural groups: those in standard and those in nonstandard employment. Standard cheap labor includes “regular jobs” while nonstandard cheap labor includes low-cost, flexible, and temporary jobs. We show that the use of cheap labor is significant in all industrialized democracies but that there are important contrasts in how different economies use cheap labor. We argue that there is a trade-off between standard and nonstandard cheap labor. Countries that satisfy their need for cheap labor through standard employment do not develop large nonstandard sectors of their economies. Countries that do not promote cheap labor in the standard sector, on the other hand, end up relying on an army of nonstandard workers to meet their cheap labor needs.

153 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the definitive features of a political regime pertain to how social conflict is organized, managed or ameliorated through modes of political participation, which encompass institutional structures and ideologies that shape the inclusion and exclusion of individuals and groups in the political process.
Abstract: Transition theory literature has been preoccupied with either identifying why democracy has not arrived or with how it can be consolidated where it has emerged. Most recently, arising out of the interest in consolidation, attention has turned to scrutinizing institutions for their democratic quality or lack thereof, not least within so-called hybrid regimes. However, such approaches obscure important political regime dynamics in Southeast Asia. This article argues that the definitive features of a political regime pertain to how social conflict is organized, managed or ameliorated through modes of political participation. Modes of participation encompass institutional structures and ideologies that shape the inclusion and exclusion of individuals and groups in the political process. The paradox in Southeast Asia over the last decade has been that increasing political participation has often been accompanied by a narrowing of the channels for political contestation. The article argues that modes of partici...

141 citations