Gendered Politics of Alienation and Power Restoration: Arab Revolutions and Women's Sentiments of Loss and Despair:
Summary (3 min read)
Introduction
- To varying degrees from one country to another, the states’ governing principle values men over women.
- I engage with this question through examining the concept of women’s alienation and estrangement from their political roles in the Arab revolutions.
- I look at how political processes and forces are gendered, and how alienation is used in the reshaping and reproduction of the social norms that govern women’s lives and activities during and beyond revolution.
Alienation, Politics and the Reproduction of Gender Norms
- In Marx’s conceptualisation, alienation is the process of workers’ objectification within the production process, where the ‘object which labour produces stands in opposition to the worker as an alien thing’ (Marx, 1967: 58-59).
- Hence, Marx uses the concept of alienation to disrupt the normalised relationships within labour production process (Ibid.).
- Such a transformation may not only have implications for gender relations, but also for the political order.
- The worker is not only foreign to his/her product and exploited by it, but also alienated from his/her human activity and fellow humans.
Women’s Sense of Loss and Despair
- Before the revolutions, the region was going through a ‘crisis of authority’ (Gramsci, 1971, p. 274): authoritarian regimes still dominated power, but were no longer believed to be serving the people’s interests.
- Four years later, the authors have seen the revolutions’ dramatic turn toward the antithesis of their demands and slogans: people have been forced to choose between military rule and the Islamic extremism of Da’ish, and such choices have unleashed turmoil across the region and drastically altered women’s sentiments towards the revolutions.
- One feels the sense of loss in both Khadija’s and Zeinab’s words and the Egyptian women’s statement; the same sentiment can also be felt when speaking to diverse women, and people generally, from such post-revolutionary contexts, whether at a conference, in the streets or public transport, in shops, on social media or in newspapers.
- For women’s act to be seen only as relative to men is an act of alienation and estrangement intended to bring women closer to gender normative roles and keep them removed from politics.
- In the first phase of the revolution, the representation of women and gender roles used soft means to reproduce gender normative ideology, whether through attempting to demoralise the revolution by externalising women’s act of revolution or celebrating and exceptionalising women’s participation.
Mode of Subjugating Revolutionary Women
- The transition period – after Mubarak’s resignation through the first presidential election in 2012 – was a time of hostile and hard forms of alienating women.
- During this time, women protesters were targeted by the police and security forces, and subjected to forms of violence that varied from verbal harassment, physical and sexual assault, and accusations of performing immoral acts (Nazra et al., 2014, p. 11).
- Secondly, the statement ‘they are not like your daughters or mine’ was intended to send a strong message to Egyptian families: women who protest lack morals, and it is a family’s responsibility to discipline their daughters.
- Therefore, sexual harassment was not only a heinous crime in and of itself, it was also a strategy of estranging women’s political roles to transform the image of women from political activists into victims of sexual harassment; it both punished women who continued to protest and threatened those who even thought about following in their footsteps.
- Crimes of sexual harassment, together with the unrest in the region, as a whole, reinvigorated orientalists to rethink the notion of ‘Arab revolution’, question whether the region was ready for democracy, and doubt the applicability of the Western model of governance to a region with no history of civilised movements.
Mode of Objectification of Women’s Act of Revolution
- After Mubarak’s resignation, a trend appeared of pointing to women’s rights as part of Mubarak’s socially corrupt policies.
- Such a trend both denied the history of women’s struggle and activism in Egypt and linked women’s rights to the old regime (Al-Ali 2012, 2014); such a linkage was intended to mobilise Egyptians against the notion of women’s rights and estrange gender equality from the new era of the revolution.
- As can be seen, claims for a return to family values or demands for women’s equality have both been part of political agendas that were rejected or welcomed based on particular political events and purposes.
- The objectification of women and their role in politics meant to separate women from the entire process of revolution-making and relocate their position outside humanity.
Conclusion
- I argued in this article that the reproduction of gender norms was a necessity for the restoration of old regimes of power, and hence forms the foundation of the region’s political order.
- Whilst forms of alienation differed in various political phases and often contradicted each other, the intent of each form of alienation was to show a defect, a mistake in women’s acts, and thus establish the supposedly ‘correct’ characteristics of women protesters based on women’s intrinsic nature.
- Through this, gender normativity was reproduced to serve the political class(s)’s specific interests, determining the linkages between the alienation of women from politics and the alienation of the revolution from its people, and the entire sphere of politics.
- State’s discourse of the proclaimed gender norms, as derived from religious and cultural values, is actually quite fragile, and could be contested, particularly during crisis and in a time of political disruption.
- In addition, it is also necessary to expose hegemony’s means of alienating people through turning their lives to the abstract; where merely staying alive becomes the purpose of existence, rather than ‘life being an opportunity’ to desire, hope, work, and demand change.
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"Gendered Politics of Alienation and..." refers background in this paper
...For Marx, alienation is insidious and dangerous because it makes ‘all of this appear normal and even natural’ (Kain, 1993, p. 124)....
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...Socialist and Marxist feminists have adapted and developed the normalised relation between the oppressed and the oppressor in Marx’s theory of alienation (Foreman, 1977; Jaggar, 1982; MacKinnon, 1982, 1989; Kain, 1993; Klotz, 2006)....
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...…on the other hand, have provided a theoretical framework for women’s oppression by questioning whether the relationship between sexuality, housework (as forms of labour), domination and the objectification of women is a form of alienation (Jaggar, 1982; MacKinnon, 1982, 1989; Kain, 1993)....
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8 citations
7 citations
"Gendered Politics of Alienation and..." refers background in this paper
...This discourse negates women’s activism in Egypt throughout history, as well as denies their significant contribution and role in the struggle for independence within the nationalist movement and beyond in Egypt (see, among others, Badran, 1995; Al-Ali, 2000; Baron, 2006; Lewis, 2012)....
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...…contribution and role in the struggle for independence within the nationalist movement and beyond in Egypt (see, among others, Badran, 1995; Al-Ali, 2000; Baron, 2006; Lewis, 2012). mode of subjugating revolutionary women The transition period—after Mubarak’s resignation through the first…...
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7 citations
"Gendered Politics of Alienation and..." refers background in this paper
...For example, guardianship provisions give male relatives authority over women: male relatives have the right to determine women’s choice of study, marriage, mobility, and so on (Jabiri, 2013, 2016)....
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...This is in addition to a whole set of decency laws, modesty laws and customary practices that attribute honour and public morality to women’s acts and behaviours, policing women in both the public and private spheres (Hélie, 2012; Hoodfar and Ghoreishian, 2012; Jabiri, 2016)....
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