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Growth Against Development: The Economic Impact of Railroads in Porfirian Mexico
01 Jan 1981-
About: The article was published on 1981-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 100 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Economic impact analysis.
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04 Nov 2004TL;DR: In this paper, Mexico's turbulent politics, 1876-1929, were analyzed in terms of instability, credible commitments, and growth in the context of VPI coalitions in historical perspective.
Abstract: 1. Introduction 2. Theory: instability, credible commitments, and growth 3. VPI coalitions in historical perspective: Mexico's turbulent politics, 1876-1929 4. Finance 5. Industry 6. Petroleum 7. Mining 8. Agriculture 9. Conclusion.
327 citations
TL;DR: The authors used a new data base on real wages and relative factor prices for seven Latin American and three Mediterranean regions, the latter being a source of so many of immigrants for the former.
Abstract: By 1914, there were huge economic gaps between the Southern Cone plus Cuba and the rest of Latin America. Can they be explained by the varying ability of these countries to exploit the first great globalization boom after about 1870? Or did the gaps appear much earlier? And what about the gaps between Latin America and the Mediterranean, let alone with industrial leaders like Britain? What role did geographic isolation, globalization and demographic forces play in the process? Conventional GDP estimates are much too coarse to confront these questions. This essay uses a new data base on real wages and relative factor prices for seven Latin American and three Mediterranean regions, the latter being a source of so many of immigrants for the former. These ten regions, plus comparative information from Britain and the United States, form the data base for the paper.
129 citations
TL;DR: The authors reviewed the consequences of the paradigm shift in Latin American economic historiography from structuralism to the New Institutional Economics (NIE) and examined the latest long-range comparisons of productivity between the Latin American and U.S. economies, concluding that the relative economic stagnation of the past quarter century may not render structuralism entirely irrelevant.
Abstract: The following three articles, together with this brief introduction, review the consequences of the paradigm shift in Latin American economic historiography from structuralism to the New Institutional Economics (NIE). Joseph Love analyzes the basic tenets of structuralism, their connection to dependency, the influence of CEPAL on policymaking, and how a generation of historians utilized the methodologies of structuralism to research historical problems in Latin American development. John H. Coatsworth's contribution correlates the decline of the structuralist model to the rise of research interests in the role of institutions in economic history and examines the latest long-range comparisons of productivity between the Latin American and U.S. economies. Commenting on the recent research utilizing the NIE, Coatsworth agrees with Love that the relative economic stagnation of the past quarter century may not render structuralism entirely irrelevant. Sandra Kuntz Ficker summarizes the basic positions held by the structuralist and dependentista schools with respect to commercial policy and concludes with a discussion of how the NIE contributes to innovative research on Latin American foreign trade. These articles resulted from the authors' participation in a LARR-sponsored panel at the 2004 Latin American Studies Association Congress.
Los siguientes tres articulos, junto a esta breve introduccion, repasan las consecuencias que el cambio de paradigma del estructuralismo a la Nueva Economia Institucional (NEI) han producido en la historiografia economica de America Latina. Joseph Love analiza los principios basicos del estructuralismo, su conexion con la teoria de la dependencia, la influencia de la CEPAL en la toma de decisiones politicas y como una generacion de historiadores utilizo las metodologias del estructuralismo para indagar los problemas historicos del desarrollo latinoamericano. En su contribucion, John H. Coatsworth relaciona el declive del modelo estructuralista con el aumento del interes academico por el rol que las instituciones tuvieron en el desarrollo de la historia economica, y examina las mas recientes comparaciones de la productividad de largo plazo de las economias latino y norteamericanas. Coatsworth coincide con Love en su vision sobre los mas recientes analisis que emplean la perspectiva de la NEI, en cuanto a que el relativo estancamiento de la economia durante el ultimo cuarto de siglo no deja al estructuralismo en una posicion irrelevante. Sandra Kuntz Ficker resume las posturas de las escuelas estructuralista y dependentista con respecto a las politicas comerciales, y concluye con una discusion acerca de la innovacion que la NEI ha generado en la investigacion sobre el comercio internacional latinoamericano. Estos articulos se originaron en la participacion de estos autores en el foro organizado por LARR en el XXV Congreso Internacional de LASA de 2004.
116 citations
01 Jan 2012
TL;DR: The role of Mexican actors in attracting, resisting and altering U.S. informal imperialism was examined in this paper, where the authors examined the role of Mexico's government, dissident priests and liberal exiles in the Mexican Revolution.
Abstract: This dissertation examines U.S. views of Mexico from the end of the U.S.-Mexico War in 1848, to the end of the first phase of the Mexican Revolution in May 1911. During this period numerous Americans saw Mexico as a laboratory to test their ability to transform a country seemingly in need of guidance. Americans, however, struggled to define the role of the United States: whether it was solely to be a model for other nations to follow, or whether Americans should be actively involved in this process. In the years after the U.S. Civil War, a diverse group of Americans, especially missionaries, investors, and working-class activists, saw Mexico as a nation in need of change and sought to affect its transformation through the means of informal imperialism. Yet they vigorously disagreed whether this transformation should occur in religious, political, economic or social terms. Despite these differences, they all believed that Mexico could be reshaped in the image of the United States. Their views thus provided a powerful counternarrative to persistent U.S. images of the Mexican people as irredeemable because of allegedly inherent inferiorities based on race, religion or culture. The dissertation also examines the role of Mexican actors in attracting, resisting and altering U.S. informal imperialism. These Mexican actors included government officials who petitioned for U.S. assistance during the French Intervention (1862-67) and the Porfiriato (1876-1911); dissident Catholic priests who requested aid for the fledgling Protestant movement in Mexico; and Mexican liberal exiles from the repressive Diaz regime, who sought U.S. support in bringing a democratic government to Mexico.
115 citations
TL;DR: In the second half of the twentieth century, Latin American economies performed fairly well: they kept pace with European growth rates, grew more than other peripheral regions, but grew less than the big winners of the period, the United States and those European countries catching up with Britain this paper.
Abstract: GLOBALIZATION AND GROWTH Some describe the first half of the nineteenth century as decades of lost Latin American economic growth while the region struggled with independence conflicts and their aftermath. Latin America’s growth performance in the second half of the twentieth century was also disappointing. By comparison, during the half century between the 1860s and the 1910s, Latin American economies performed fairly well: they kept pace with European growth rates, grew more than other peripheral regions, but grew less than the big winners of the period, the United States and those European countries catching up with Britain. The term “fairly well” may understate Latin American growth given that, after all, it took place during a century that created a truly huge economic gap between the core and the rest of the periphery. Table 1.1 documents that performance for real per capita income and purchasing-power parity – adjusted real wages of unskilled urban workers, both relative to Great Britain. Using the macroeconomist’s rhetoric, there was some Latin American catching up on the hegemonic industrial leader in Europe: per capita income in Latin America rose from 38 to 42 percent of Britain’s. Because Britain was losing that leadership to some powerful latecomers, perhaps a better comparison is with a more inclusive European industrial core, including Britain, France, and Germany: here Latin American performance is a little less impressive, with its relative position to that of the fast-growing core falling from 53 to 51 percent. Another relevant comparison is between Latin America and the source of its European immigrants, Iberia and Italy: here, Latin America improved its European immigrants, Iberia and Italy: here, Latin America improved its position from near-parity, with income per capita about 97 or 98 percent of Latin Europe, to a 5 percent advantage.
78 citations