scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question
Posted Content

Guns as Smut: Defending the Home-Bound Second Amendment

TL;DR: The Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms for self-defense under the First Amendment is a robust right in the home, subject to near-plenary restriction by elected government everywhere else as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In District of Columbia v. Heller, the Supreme Court held that the Second Amendment guarantees a personal, individual right to keep and bear arms. But the Court left lower courts and legislatures adrift on the fundamental question of scope. While the Court stated in dicta that some regulation may survive constitutional scrutiny, it left the precise contours of the right, and even the method by which to determine those contours, for “future evaluation.” This Article offers a provocative proposal for tackling the issue of Second Amendment scope, one tucked in many dresser drawers across the nation: Treat the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms for self-defense the same as the right to own and view adult obscenity under the First Amendment — a robust right in the home, subject to near-plenary restriction by elected government everywhere else. This Article’s proposal to treat guns like smut is sure to stir controversy. But it is grounded in solid methods of constitutional analysis. The Court in Heller sent unmistakable signals that the First and Second Amendments are cousins and may be subject to similar limitations. As Justice Scalia noted, the First Amendment excludes from its protection certain categories of speech: “obscenity, libel, and disclosure of state secrets.” The Second Amendment may be “no different,” and almost certainly excludes from its protection certain categories of “bearing” and certain categories of “arms.” Moreover, the “home-bound” approach to the Second Amendment rationalizes the disparate norms that animate the Court’s privacy jurisprudence. It situates the Second Amendment within tradition and doctrine that accord constitutional weight to a spatial and conceptual distinction between the home and the public sphere. Finally, this proposal has the benefit of simplicity: The Court has already marked boundaries for an individual right to adult obscenity in the home. Those boundaries are surprisingly applicable to the individual right to bear arms, and far easier to administer. While this proposal will not resolve all issues of Second Amendment scope, its prudential and practical merits deserve serious consideration as part of post-Heller discourse on the Second Amendment.
Citations
More filters
Posted Content
TL;DR: This article explored the impact of the District of Columbia v. Heller decision on the public discourse and found that it is a discourse that will be broken down into two categories: (1) the right's impact on politics and lawmaking or what may otherwise be described as the political discourse, and (2) the opinions of society at large.
Abstract: This article explores the impact District of Columbia v. Heller has had on the public discourse. It is a discourse that will be broken down into two categories: (1) the right’s impact on politics and lawmaking or what may otherwise be described as the political discourse, and (2) the right’s impact on the opinions of society at large or what may otherwise be described as the public discourse. In many respects the two categories are intertwined. For instance, political rhetoric and debate often influence society’s view of what is and is not lawful. At the same time, whatever the judiciary identifies as constitutionally protected impacts society’s perception of historic custom and tradition, regardless of whether it is built on historical fact or historical myth. Still, despite the substantial overlap between Supreme Court opinions and the political and public discourse, it worth exploring the two categories separately. It is only then one can truly assess the impact Heller has had on American society as a whole.

17 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Apr 2021-Polity
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors synthesize insights from political theory, feminist legal theory, critical race theory, and American legal history for the case of District of Columbia v. Heller.
Abstract: This case study of the Second Amendment precedent, District of Columbia v. Heller, synthesizes insights from political theory, feminist legal theory, critical race theory, and American legal histor...

7 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors analyzed the effects of "stand-your-ground" (SYG) laws on violent crime and found that states are more likely to take measures to allow gun violence (albeit in self-defende...
Abstract: Although studies have analyzed the effects of “stand your ground” (SYG) laws on violent crime, the question of why states are more likely to take measures to allow gun violence (albeit in self-defe...

5 citations


Cites background from "Guns as Smut: Defending the Home-Bo..."

  • ...Much of the literature focuses on the legal ramifications of the extension of self-defense protection offered by these laws to gun owners (Holliday 2012; Levin 2011; Megale 2010; Miller 2009)....

    [...]

01 Jan 2015
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the influence of external factors on major policy decisions on gun rights and how they affect public opinions about the U.S. government's stance on the issue.
Abstract: OF THE THESIS THE INFLUENCE OF EXTERNAL FACTORS (LOBBYISTS) REGARDING MAJOR POLICY DECISIONS ON GUN RIGHTS AND HOW THEY AFFECT PUBLIC IMPRESSIONS REGARDING FEDERAL GOVERNMENT by

3 citations


Cites background from "Guns as Smut: Defending the Home-Bo..."

  • ...According to Miller (2009), In District of Columbia v....

    [...]

  • ...According to Miller (2009), In District of Columbia v. Heller, the Supreme Court held that the Second Amendment guarantees and individual right to keep and bear arms for personal protection....

    [...]

Posted Content
Joseph Blocher1
TL;DR: Sutton's 51 imperfect solutions as discussed by the authors describes and celebrates the crucial role of state constitutional law in making American constitutional law, and the fact that states do not speak with one voice in doing so is, in Sutton's account, a feature rather than a bug.
Abstract: Judge Jeffrey Sutton’s 51 Imperfect Solutions describes and celebrates the crucial role of state constitutional law in “making” American constitutional law. The fact that states do not speak with one voice in doing so is, in Sutton’s account, a feature rather than a bug. The diversity in their approaches permits experimentation and tailoring, and ultimately produces a stronger and more supple constitutional fabric. Sutton’s enthusiasm for the diversity and dynamism of state constitutional law is entirely convincing. But is the federal alternative quite so flat? Although federal constitutional rights are undoubtedly more uniform than those of states, they are not identical throughout the nation. The application and even definition of federal guarantees varies geographically, sometimes to a surprising degree. Moreover, there are reasons to favor some degree of disuniformity — some of the same reasons, in fact, that Sutton gives for favoring state constitutional law. But the fact of diversity and the strength of the arguments in favor of it point to a difficult set of questions: How much and what kinds of non-uniformity are desirable when it comes to federal constitutional rights? This Essay attempts to sketch a few answers.

3 citations