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Halid ibn Yazid und die Alchemie: Eine Legende. (Halid ibn Yazid et l'alchimie: une légende)

01 Jan 1978-Vol. 55, Iss: 2, pp 181-218
TL;DR: In this paper, a resolution du probleme souleve par les recits medievaux sur les ambitions alchimistes d'Halid ibn Yazid (mort en 704) dans le cadre de l'etude des debuts of l'hellenisation du monde islamique (avant 800).
Abstract: Resolution du probleme souleve par les recits medievaux sur les ambitions alchimistes d'Halid ibn Yazid (mort en 704) dans le cadre de l'etude des debuts de l'hellenisation du monde islamique (avant 800). La vie de Halid, ses activites politique et scientifique, ses poemes. Sources historiques et critiques des sources.
Citations
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BookDOI
17 Dec 2009
TL;DR: The Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy as mentioned in this paper provides a rich and remarkable period in the history of philosophy and will be the authoritative source on medieval philosophy for the next generation of scholars and students alike.
Abstract: The Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy comprises over fifty specially commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of this period. Starting in the late eighth century, with the renewal of learning some centuries after the fall of the Roman Empire, a sequence of chapters takes the reader through developments in many and varied fields, including logic and language, natural philosophy, ethics, metaphysics, and theology. Close attention is paid to the context of medieval philosophy, with discussions of the rise of the universities and developments in the cultural and linguistic spheres. A striking feature is the continuous coverage of Islamic, Jewish, and Christian material. There are useful biographies of the philosophers, and a comprehensive bibliography. The volumes illuminate a rich and remarkable period in the history of philosophy and will be the authoritative source on medieval philosophy for the next generation of scholars and students alike.

144 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Mar 1982
TL;DR: In the early thirteenth century, Avicenna and Averroes' Commentary on Aristotle's Metaphysics as mentioned in this paper were translated into Latin and used to examine the very nature of metaphysics.
Abstract: First philosophy, divine science, and the science of ‘being as being’ The recovery of Aristotle's Metaphysics by medieval Western thinkers prepared the way for them to concentrate on the science of ‘being as being’ in the high Middle Ages. This work was enhanced by the translation into Latin of Avicenna's Metaphysics in the twelfth century and of Averroes' Commentary on Aristotle's Metaphysics in the early thirteenth century. But as medieval Latin thinkers began to examine Aristotle's text more closely, they encountered a problem of interpretation relating to the very nature of metaphysics. In Metaphysics IV, c. 1 (1003a21–32), Aristotle speaks of a science which studies being as being and contrasts it with more particular sciences which restrict themselves to investigating the attributes of a portion of being. But in Metaphysics VI, c. 1 (1026a23–32), after referring to his investigation of ‘beings as beings’ and presumably, therefore, to his science of being as being, Aristotle distinguishes three theoretical sciences – physics, mathematics, and first philosophy or ‘divine science’ – and then seems to justify the viability of the last-mentioned one only insofar as it concerns itself with separate and immobile entities. One might wonder whether this first philosophy or divine science can be identified with Aristotle's general science of being as being, a difficulty which he himself recognises. He concludes the discussion by asserting that if there were no separate and immobile entity, then physics would be the first science.

74 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A brief overview of medieval responses to the problem of evil with a brief description of Augustine's position can be found in this article, with the emphasis on the fact that the authors were not in the Latin-speaking world and not schooled in the thought of Augustine.
Abstract: THE AUGUSTINIAN BACKGROUND The problem of evil is raised by the combination of certain traditional theistic beliefs and the acknowledgment that there is evil in the world. If, as the major monotheisms claim, there is a perfectly good, omnipotent, omniscient God who creates and governs the world, how can the world such a God created and governs have evil in it? In medieval philosophy in the Latin-speaking West, philosophical discussion of evil is informed by Augustine’s thought. But even those medieval philosophers not in the Latin-speaking world and not schooled in the thought of Augustine in effect share many of his views. For these reasons, it is helpful to begin an overview of medieval responses to the problem of evil with a brief description of Augustine’s position. Augustine struggled with the question of the metaphysical status of evil; his ultimate conclusion, that evil is a privation of being, was shared by most later medieval philosophers. But ‘privation’ here is a technical term of medieval logic and indicates one particular kind of opposition; its correlative is ‘possession.’ A privation is the absence of some characteristic in a thing that naturally possesses that characteristic. So, on Augustine’s view, evil is not nothing, as he is sometimes believed to have maintained. Rather, it is a lack or deficiency in being in something in which that being is natural. Nothing about this metaphysical position constitutes a solution to the problem of evil; nor did Augustine or any later medieval philosophers suppose it did.

61 citations

MonographDOI
17 Apr 2018
TL;DR: In this article, Hameen-Anttila analyzed the lost sixth-century history of the Sasanians, its lost Arabic translations, and the sources of Firdawsi's Shāhnāme.
Abstract: In Khwadāynāmag. The Middle Persian Book of Kings Jaakko Hameen-Anttila analyses the lost sixth-century historiographical work of the Sasanians, its lost Arabic translations, and the sources of Firdawsī's Shāhnāme .

33 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2010

21 citations

References
More filters
BookDOI
17 Dec 2009
TL;DR: The Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy as mentioned in this paper provides a rich and remarkable period in the history of philosophy and will be the authoritative source on medieval philosophy for the next generation of scholars and students alike.
Abstract: The Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy comprises over fifty specially commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of this period. Starting in the late eighth century, with the renewal of learning some centuries after the fall of the Roman Empire, a sequence of chapters takes the reader through developments in many and varied fields, including logic and language, natural philosophy, ethics, metaphysics, and theology. Close attention is paid to the context of medieval philosophy, with discussions of the rise of the universities and developments in the cultural and linguistic spheres. A striking feature is the continuous coverage of Islamic, Jewish, and Christian material. There are useful biographies of the philosophers, and a comprehensive bibliography. The volumes illuminate a rich and remarkable period in the history of philosophy and will be the authoritative source on medieval philosophy for the next generation of scholars and students alike.

144 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Mar 1982
TL;DR: In the early thirteenth century, Avicenna and Averroes' Commentary on Aristotle's Metaphysics as mentioned in this paper were translated into Latin and used to examine the very nature of metaphysics.
Abstract: First philosophy, divine science, and the science of ‘being as being’ The recovery of Aristotle's Metaphysics by medieval Western thinkers prepared the way for them to concentrate on the science of ‘being as being’ in the high Middle Ages. This work was enhanced by the translation into Latin of Avicenna's Metaphysics in the twelfth century and of Averroes' Commentary on Aristotle's Metaphysics in the early thirteenth century. But as medieval Latin thinkers began to examine Aristotle's text more closely, they encountered a problem of interpretation relating to the very nature of metaphysics. In Metaphysics IV, c. 1 (1003a21–32), Aristotle speaks of a science which studies being as being and contrasts it with more particular sciences which restrict themselves to investigating the attributes of a portion of being. But in Metaphysics VI, c. 1 (1026a23–32), after referring to his investigation of ‘beings as beings’ and presumably, therefore, to his science of being as being, Aristotle distinguishes three theoretical sciences – physics, mathematics, and first philosophy or ‘divine science’ – and then seems to justify the viability of the last-mentioned one only insofar as it concerns itself with separate and immobile entities. One might wonder whether this first philosophy or divine science can be identified with Aristotle's general science of being as being, a difficulty which he himself recognises. He concludes the discussion by asserting that if there were no separate and immobile entity, then physics would be the first science.

74 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A brief overview of medieval responses to the problem of evil with a brief description of Augustine's position can be found in this article, with the emphasis on the fact that the authors were not in the Latin-speaking world and not schooled in the thought of Augustine.
Abstract: THE AUGUSTINIAN BACKGROUND The problem of evil is raised by the combination of certain traditional theistic beliefs and the acknowledgment that there is evil in the world. If, as the major monotheisms claim, there is a perfectly good, omnipotent, omniscient God who creates and governs the world, how can the world such a God created and governs have evil in it? In medieval philosophy in the Latin-speaking West, philosophical discussion of evil is informed by Augustine’s thought. But even those medieval philosophers not in the Latin-speaking world and not schooled in the thought of Augustine in effect share many of his views. For these reasons, it is helpful to begin an overview of medieval responses to the problem of evil with a brief description of Augustine’s position. Augustine struggled with the question of the metaphysical status of evil; his ultimate conclusion, that evil is a privation of being, was shared by most later medieval philosophers. But ‘privation’ here is a technical term of medieval logic and indicates one particular kind of opposition; its correlative is ‘possession.’ A privation is the absence of some characteristic in a thing that naturally possesses that characteristic. So, on Augustine’s view, evil is not nothing, as he is sometimes believed to have maintained. Rather, it is a lack or deficiency in being in something in which that being is natural. Nothing about this metaphysical position constitutes a solution to the problem of evil; nor did Augustine or any later medieval philosophers suppose it did.

61 citations

MonographDOI
17 Apr 2018
TL;DR: In this article, Hameen-Anttila analyzed the lost sixth-century history of the Sasanians, its lost Arabic translations, and the sources of Firdawsi's Shāhnāme.
Abstract: In Khwadāynāmag. The Middle Persian Book of Kings Jaakko Hameen-Anttila analyses the lost sixth-century historiographical work of the Sasanians, its lost Arabic translations, and the sources of Firdawsī's Shāhnāme .

33 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2010

21 citations