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Journal ArticleDOI

(In)visible men on campus: campus racial climate and subversive black masculinities at a predominantly white liberal arts university

Quaylan Allen1
02 Oct 2020-Gender and Education (Routledge)-Vol. 32, Iss: 7, pp 843-861
TL;DR: There is an emerging body of literature examining the academic success of Black men attending predominantly white colleges and universities, though less is known about Black college men's experienc... as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: There is an emerging body of literature examining the academic success of Black men attending predominantly White colleges and universities, though less is known about Black college men’s experienc...

Summary (1 min read)

Theoretical Frameworks

  • This paper draws upon poststructuralist theories of gender and critical race theory in an examination of Black men’s gendered experiences on predominantly White college campuses.
  • Butler (1988) in particular posits that gender is brought into being performatively, that is to say gender is constructed discursively and involves the subsequent repetition, citation and iterability of particular gender norms that create the preconditions by which masculinities are produced.
  • Critical race theory and its scholars assert that racism is endemic in American society.
  • Black men are also agents in their gender socialization on college campuses and certainly learn and engage in an array of masculine performances (Harper and Quaye 2007; Harris, Palmer, and Struve 2011; Strayhorn and TillmanKelly 2013) including those that challenge hegemonic notions of Black male identity (McGuire et al.

Methodology

  • Purposive and snowballing sampling strategies were used in recruiting participants who identified as Black, male and a current undergraduate or graduate student (Goetz and LeCompte 1984).
  • Students talked about constantly “getting looks” from gazing peers as they walked through campus and explained how they often avoided walking through heavily populated student gathering locations.
  • The students’ presence on campus and in the local community were regularly questioned by law enforcement and participants were often asked to present identification to prove their student status.
  • For most of the men in the study, code switching was used as a linguistic presentation of self that distinguished them as different from larger Black male stereotypes.
  • In schools and colleges, the behaviors of Black men are often interpellated as aggressive or intimidating by their teachers and faculty (Davis 2003; Shirazi 2016), and within predominantly White settings, these stereotypes serve as constraints to Black men’s emotional and gender expressions (Jackson and Wingfield 2013; Wilkins 2012a).

Conclusion and Implications

  • Research shows that repeated exposure to microaggression events on college campuses contributes to a poor campus climate, negative academic outcomes, and other psychological stressors (Smith, Hung, and Franklin 2011; Landrine and Klonoff 1996).
  • The particular subversive practices of code switching and repositioning, and the participants discussion of these practices, provides insight into the diversity of Black masculinities and sexualities on predominantly White campuses.
  • While race plays a central role in the gendered expectations and socialization of Black men on college campuses, attention must be paid to the ways that queer and heterosexual Black men encounter and respond to the university’s racial climate in similar and divergent ways.
  • Research shows that Black males with positive racial identity tend to be more resilient and have positive academic outcomes (Caughy et al.
  • These initiatives are shown to foster student engagement, academic persistence, social integration, and research development of students (Wood and Palmer 2015).

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Chapman University Chapman University
Chapman University Digital Commons Chapman University Digital Commons
Education Faculty Articles and Research Attallah College of Educational Studies
10-18-2018
(In)Visible Men on Campus: Campus Racial Climate and (In)Visible Men on Campus: Campus Racial Climate and
Subversive Black Masculinities at a Predominantly White Liberal Subversive Black Masculinities at a Predominantly White Liberal
Arts University Arts University
Quaylan Allen
Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/education_articles
Part of the Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons, Educational Assessment, Evaluation, and
Research Commons, Educational Sociology Commons, Higher Education Commons, Liberal Studies
Commons, Other Education Commons, Race and Ethnicity Commons, and the Social and Philosophical
Foundations of Education Commons

(In)Visible Men on Campus: Campus Racial Climate and Subversive Black (In)Visible Men on Campus: Campus Racial Climate and Subversive Black
Masculinities at a Predominantly White Liberal Arts University Masculinities at a Predominantly White Liberal Arts University
Comments Comments
This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published in
Gender and Education
, volume 32, issue 7, in
2020, available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2018.1533924. It may differ slightly from the
?nal version of record.
Copyright
Taylor & Francis

1
(In)Visible Men on Campus: Campus Racial Climate and Subversive Black Masculinities
at a Predominantly White Liberal Arts University
Quaylan Allen, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor
Attallah College of Educational Studies
Chapman University
One University Drive
Orange, CA 92866, USA
qallen@chapman.edu
714.455.9868

2
(In)Visible Men on Campus: Campus Racial Climate and Subversive Black Masculinities
at a Predominantly White Liberal Arts University
Abstract
In this paper, I examine how Black male college students attending a predominantly White
liberal arts institution in the USA perceive the campus racial climate and make sense of their
(in)visibility at the university. Drawing upon poststructuralist theories of gender and critical race
theory, I analyze the ways in which they managed race, gender and sexuality within university
spaces, giving attention to their agency in performing a range of masculinities in response to and
in anticipation of campus-based racism and racialized discourses. By situating their gendered
performances within the context of the campus racial climate, I argue that universities are sites of
racial and gender socialization where dominant ideologies of Black masculinities are imposed,
and where ontological installments of gender play out in ways that can impact Black males
inclusion on campus. Suggestions for the improvement of Black male higher education success
will be discussed.
Keywords: Black masculinities, microaggressions, campus racial climate, higher education,
visual research
Word Count: 8,990

3
(In)Visible Men on Campus: Campus Racial Climate and Subversive Black Masculinities
at a Predominantly White Liberal Arts University
Introduction
Black students in the United States currently make up 15% of the nation’s undergraduate
population, and though most Black college students (almost 70%) will attend public 4 or 2-year
institutions, over 14% of Black undergraduates attend private non-profit universities and colleges
(Musu-Gillette et al. 2017). Most Black college students obtaining a 4-year degree will attend
what is known in the U.S. as a Predominantly White Institution (PWI) and studies find that Black
students attending PWI’s are often immersed in campus climates that are racially hostile to
students of color (Feagin, Vera, and Imani 1996; Hurtado 2015; Johnson et al. 2014). Campus
racial climate refers to the overall racial environment of the university, which might include its
racial composition, curricular and co-curricular diversity, the frequency of racial incidents and
the institutions response to racial inequities (Harper and Hurtado 2007; Hurtado 2015;
Solórzano, Ceja, and Yosso 2000).
A poor racial climate negatively impacts the academic opportunity and success of Black
students (Steele 1997; Shih, Pittinsky, and Ambady 1999; Smith, Hung, and Franklin 2011;
Landrine and Klonoff 1996), and Black students attending PWI’s are most likely to report the
most experiences with racial discrimination on and off campus (D'Augelli and Hershberger
1993; Harris 2003). The racial discrimination that Black students report are largely within the
taxonomy of racial microaggressions, which are defined as the subtle forms of discrimination
that denigrate marginalized communities (Pierce et al. 1978). Racial microaggressions on college
campuses are felt through environmental cues and verbal or non-verbal hidden messages that
serve to invalidate Black men and their presence on campus. For example, many Black students

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Cites background from "(In)visible men on campus: campus r..."

  • ...Universities in both England and Canada are subject to considerable regulatory oversight....

    [...]

  • ...The three examples above are intended to show how visual features including displays and marketing materials can potentially affect the discourse within social environments including Universities (Allen, 2018; Metcalfe, 2012; Schertz et al., 2018; Stanczak, 2007)....

    [...]

  • ...I am very ambitious and would love in the future to gain employment as an advisor on educational programme design in Universities abroad....

    [...]

  • ...Choices made within Universities about what knowledge is taught, how and by whom are therefore inextricably linked to the structure of modern society....

    [...]

  • ...In England the QLD subjects (public law, the law of obligations, property law, criminal law and EU law) are widely regarding as comprising the ‘core’ curriculum, with Universities adding to this with optional subjects based on the research specialisms of academic staff....

    [...]

01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: The authors used contact theory to understand the variation in the number of racial minority students that white faculty members advise, independent of individual characteristics and social organizational factors, and found that greater interracial contact between white faculty member and racial minority colleagues and students is likely to have a positive impact on campus climate race relations.
Abstract: Using primary data from a Midwestern university, this study examines racial attitudes of white faculty members. Contact theory is used to understand the variation in the number of racial minority students that white faculty members advise, independent of individual characteristics and social organizational factors. Findings indicate that white faculty members rate Asian/Asian American college students most favorably overall. In general, faculty then ranked white, African American, Latino, and Native American college students in descending order with respect to a host of characteristics. Finally, supporting contact theory, white faculty members who went to high schools with more racial minorities and who work with more colleagues who are racial minorities are significantly more likely to advise racial minority students. One implication of these outcomes is that greater interracial contact between white faculty members and racial minority colleagues and students is likely to have a positive impact on campus climate race relations.

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TL;DR: In this article, in-depth interviews with 65 Black males to explore their experiences in a Black Male Initiative (BMI) program at three different higher education institutions in the US.
Abstract: The current study relies on in-depth interviews with 65 Black males to explore their experiences in a Black Male Initiative (BMI) program at three different higher education institutions in the US....

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Cites background from "(In)visible men on campus: campus r..."

  • ...…education settings, research on Black college men has included studies on identity development, gender socialization, coping strategies, health and wellness issues, and masculine performance (Allen 2018; Arbouin 2018; Brooms 2017; Dancy 2011, 2012; Harris, Palmer, and Struve 2011; Travers 2019)....

    [...]

  • ...…Black college men at historically and predominantly white institutions often endure disparate treatment by students and institutional personnel as well as invisibilities, lowered expectations, and various forms of surveillance (Allen 2018; Arbouin 2018; Brooms 2017; Cuyjet 2006; Smith et al. 2016)....

    [...]

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TL;DR: For instance, in the case of an individual in the presence of others, it can be seen as a form of involuntary expressive behavior as discussed by the authors, where the individual will have to act so that he intentionally or unintentionally expresses himself, and the others will in turn have to be impressed in some way by him.
Abstract: hen an individual enters the presence of oth ers, they commonly seek to acquire information about him or to bring into play information about him already possessed. They will be interested in his general socio-economic status, his concep tion of self, his attitude toward them, his compe tence, his trustworthiness, etc. Although some of this information seems to be sought almost as an end in itself, there are usually quite practical reasons for acquiring it. Information about the individual helps to define the situation, enabling others to know in advance what he will expect of them and what they may expect of him. Informed in these ways, the others will know how best to act in order to call forth a desired response from him. For those present, many sources of information become accessible and many carriers (or “signvehicles”) become available for conveying this information. If unacquainted with the individual, observers can glean clues from his conduct and appearance which allow them to apply their previ ous experience with individuals roughly similar to the one before them or, more important, to apply untested stereotypes to him. They can also assume from past experience that only individuals of a par ticular kind are likely to be found in a given social setting. They can rely on what the individual says about himself or on documentary evidence he provides as to who and what he is. If they know, or know of, the individual by virtue of experience prior to the interaction, they can rely on assumptions as to the persistence and generality of psychological traits as a means of predicting his present and future behavior. However, during the period in which the indi vidual is in the immediate presence of the others, few events may occur which directly provide the others with the conclusive information they will need if they are to direct wisely their own activity . Many crucial facts lie beyond the time and place of interaction or lie concealed within it. For example, the “true” or “real” attitudes, beliefs, and emotions of the individual can be ascertained only indirectly , through his avowals or through what appears to be involuntary expressive behavior. Similarly , if the individual offers the others a product or service, they will often find that during the interaction there will be no time and place immediately available for eating the pudding that the proof can be found in. They will be forced to accept some events as con ventional or natural signs of something not directly available to the senses. In Ichheiser ’s terms, 1 the individual will have to act so that he intentionally or unintentionally expresses himself, and the others will in turn have to be impressed in some way by him.…

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TL;DR: The authors argues that Black women are sometimes excluded from feminist theory and antiracist policy discourse because both are predicated on a discrete set of experiences that often does not accurately reflect the interaction of race and gender.
Abstract: This chapter examines how the tendency is perpetuated by a single-axis framework that is dominant in antidiscrimination law and that is also reflected in feminist theory and antiracist politics. It suggests that this single-axis framework erases Black women in the conceptualization, identification and remediation of race and sex discrimination by limiting inquiry to the experiences of otherwise-privileged members of the group. The chapter focuses on otherwise-privileged group members creates a distorted analysis of racism and sexism because the operative conceptions of race and sex become grounded in experiences that actually represent only a subset of a much more complex phenomenon. It argues that Black women are sometimes excluded from feminist theory and antiracist policy discourse because both are predicated on a discrete set of experiences that often does not accurately reflect the interaction of race and gender. The chapter discusses the feminist critique of rape and separate spheres ideology.

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"(In)visible men on campus: campus r..." refers background in this paper

  • ...As an interdisciplinary legal theory, critical race theory foregrounds race and its intersectionality at the center of analysis (Bell 1992; Crenshaw 1993)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Research shows that this threat dramatically depresses the standardized test performance of women and African Americans who are in the academic vanguard of their groups, that it causes disidentification with school, and that practices that reduce this threat can reduce these negative effects.
Abstract: A general theory of domain identification is used to describe achievement barriers still faced by women in advanced quantitative areas and by African Americans in school. The theory assumes that sustained school success requires identification with school and its subdomains; that societal pressures on these groups (e.g., economic disadvantage, gender roles) can frustrate this identification; and that in school domains where these groups are negatively stereotyped, those who have become domain identified face the further barrier of stereotype threat, the threat that others' judgments or their own actions will negatively stereotype them in the domain. Research shows that this threat dramatically depresses the standardized test performance of women and African Americans who are in the academic vanguard of their groups (offering a new interpretation of group differences in standardized test performance), that it causes disidentification with school, and that practices that reduce this threat can reduce these negative effects.

6,069 citations


"(In)visible men on campus: campus r..." refers background in this paper

  • ...A poor racial climate negatively impacts the academic opportunity and success of Black students (Steele 1997; Shih, Pittinsky, and Ambady 1999; Smith, Hung, and Franklin 2011; Landrine and Klonoff 1996), and Black students attending PWI’s are most likely to report the most experiences with racial…...

    [...]

  • ...Furthermore, a poor racial climate has shown to negatively impact the sense of inclusion and community of Black students, academic self-concept, academic performance and graduation rates (Steele 1997; Shih, Pittinsky, and Ambady 1999)....

    [...]

Frequently Asked Questions (16)
Q1. What are the contributions mentioned in the paper "(in)visible men on campus: campus racial climate and subversive black masculinities at a predominantly white liberal arts university" ?

In this paper, I examine how Black male college students attending a predominantly White liberal arts institution in the USA perceive the campus racial climate and make sense of their ( in ) visibility at the university. Suggestions for the improvement of Black male higher education success will be discussed. 

Future research should continue to examine Black males attending liberal arts institutions as this is an understudied population but also one that tends to graduate at higher rates than their public university peers ( Musu-Gillette et al. 2017 ). 

a positive racial climate has shown to contribute to a higher sense of inclusion and community for Black students, increases self-efficacy, higher academic performance and overall positive effects for all students on campus (Fischer 2010; Park, Denson, and Bowman 2013). 

Many of the race-gendered microaggression events experienced rely on hegemonicperformativities of Black masculinity, and they are instances in which ontologies of Black male deviancy, sexuality and otherness are installed. 

In other words, a poor racial climate not only impacts Black male’s sense of inclusion, engagement and educational opportunity, but also contributes to the gender socialization of Black college men. 

White universities are contested sites of gender socialization,where dominant ideologies of Black masculinities are imposed, the students in this study demonstrate the specific ways 

Universities can support the positive racial identity development of all of their Black male students through the use of Black male initiatives. 

The rise of Black student activism on the campuses like the University of Missouri and Evergreen State, for example, are responses to a poor racial climate and to what scholars refer to as institutional negligence regarding a university’s racial commitments (Harper and Hurtado 2007; Jones and Reddick 2017). 

In a society where racism is endemic,microaggression events on college campuses are then moments of racial and gender socialization where Black men learn how they are viewed and what they are assumed to be. 

Black students often have their presence on campus questioned by their peers, they are made to feel invisible in campus spaces, and are expected to assimilate into White culture (Turner 1994; Lewis, Chesler, and Forman 2000; Smith, Yosso, and Solórzano 2007). 

White college campuses in particular, are precarious locations in which Black men learn and perform gender, and many Black men will do so within inimical campus racial climates. 

the cumulative effect of racial microaggressions contributes to a range of psychological stressors and trauma related symptoms that limit the academic and social success of Black students (Smith, Hung, and Franklin 2011; Landrine and Klonoff 1996). 

Black students report having negative interactions with faculty, and research shows that White faculty tend to hold lower academic expectations for Black males (Harper 2009; Smedley, Myers, and Harrell 1993; Solórzano, Ceja, and Yosso 2000), and avoid contact or limit their interactions with Black male students (Feagin 1992; Kim 2010; Comeaux 2013). 

In most cases, the students were proactive in their responses and chose to respond through direct confrontation or education in order to achieve a resolution. 

Code switching is generally defined as the process of using two or more languages or linguistic repertoires in conversation (Greene and Walker 2004). 

a poor racial climate has shown to negatively impact the sense of inclusion and community of Black students, academic self-concept, academicperformance and graduation rates (Steele 1997; Shih, Pittinsky, and Ambady 1999).