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Journal ArticleDOI

Indian foreign policy : the Nehru years

01 Jan 1977-Foreign Affairs (Radiant Pub.)-Vol. 55, Iss: 3, pp 661
About: This article is published in Foreign Affairs.The article was published on 1977-01-01. It has received 22 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Foreign policy.
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DissertationDOI
01 Jan 2018
TL;DR: In this paper, a typology of Indian strategic thought is proposed, which is based on the subculture-cleavage model of grand strategic thought, and two theoretical concepts are employed; first, strategic culture provides empirical reference as well as conceptual consistency to take hold of India's ideational strategic pluralism.
Abstract: So far no one has devised a typology of Indian strategic thought and labelling of grand strategic worldviews has been arbitrary and superficial. Therefore, this thesis seeks to develop an analytical instrument that allows for the comprehensive delineation of India’s deeply-rooted strategic traditions. In order to build such a typology (called the ‘subculture-cleavage model of grand strategic thought’) two theoretical concepts are employed; firstly, strategic culture provides the empirical reference as well as the conceptual consistency to take hold of India’s ideational strategic pluralism. Secondly, cleavage theory as a heuristic tool adopted to international relations peculiar circumstances, helps to structure the different strategic subcultures along two conflict dimensions; one addressing the various ideological perspectives on grand strategy, the other taking the normative debates surrounding India’s cultural identity into account. These two semi-permanent ideational elite cleavages have been deduced by mapping the so-called pluralist strand of India’s strategic culture debate. Eventually, each cleavage, is constituted by two assumptions, which define three paradigmatic positions respectively. In the case of the ‘normative grand strategy’ cleavage (the outside dimension) these are a realist, institutionalist and an idealist grand strategic paradigm; while the cross-cutting ‘cultural identity’ cleavage (the identity dimension of grand strategy) is marked by the following range of culturalist positions: a secularist, pragmatist and revitalist paradigm. Both cleavages combined structure India’s ideational strategic pluralism in terms of nine strategic subcultures. Finally, these subcultures, should, to various degrees, be detectable in basically every Indian foreign and security policy contestation, vying for discursive hegemony in the formulation, assessment and ultimately legitimation of strategic choices. In the framework of neoclassical realism these strategic subcultures work as intervening ideational variables. To make them fulfill this task, future research has to develop an appropriate model of change (when do which ideas become dominant).

59 citations

MonographDOI
01 Aug 2013
TL;DR: The authors provides the first comprehensive and transnational history of Anglo-American relations with South Asia during a seminal period in the history of the Indian Subcontinent, between independence in the late 1940s, and the height of the Cold War.
Abstract: The Cold War in South Asia provides the first comprehensive and transnational history of Anglo-American relations with South Asia during a seminal period in the history of the Indian Subcontinent, between independence in the late 1940s, and the height of the Cold War in the late 1960s. Drawing upon significant new evidence from British, American, Indian and Eastern bloc archives, the book re-examines how and why the Cold War in South Asia evolved in the way that it did, at a time when the national leaderships, geopolitical outlooks and regional aspirations of India, Pakistan and their superpower suitors were in a state of considerable flux. The book probes the factors which encouraged the governments of Britain and the United States to work so closely together in South Asia during the two decades after independence, and suggests what benefits, if any, Anglo-American intervention in South Asia's affairs delivered, and to whom.

48 citations

Dissertation
01 Jan 2015
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a 6.6-chapter approach to the problem of self-defense in the field of cyber-physical learning.1.5.6 Chapter
Abstract: 6 Chapter

47 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the author argues that the bureaucratic-organizational paradigms can be usefully applied to the understanding of information processing in the decision-making context of developing states, using the Sino-Indian border dispute of 1959-1962 as a case study.
Abstract: This article argues that the bureaucratic-organizational paradigms can be usefully applied to the understanding of information processing in the decisionmaking context of developing states. Using the Sino-Indian border dispute of 1959–1962 as a case study, the author shows that various dimensions of inter-organizational relations, intra-group dynamics and the small group-organization nexus explain the emergent preference, within the decisionmaking group, for a specific interpretation of situations and the degree of openness to dissonant information regarding those situations. The article concludes by drawing some general conclusions with regard to bureaucratic-organizational politics in general and in a Third World context in particular.

36 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The broad pattern of arms supplies to Pakistan and India needs brief description as discussed by the authors, and the U.K., not surprisingly, was the earliest supplier of arms to the two countries and the weapons held by their armed forces at the time of independence in 1947 were of British origin.
Abstract: ARMS ON THE Indian subcontinent are required primarily for security reasons. Despite persuasive arguments to the contrary, the weapons procured by Pakistan and India have been utilized almost exclusively against each other. The situation has been exacerbated by the opposing strategic ambitions of the two superpowers and China in the region. Arms supply patterns, therefore, were established through the interaction of conflicting regional and international forces. The broad pattern of arms supplies to Pakistan and India needs brief description. The U.K., not surprisingly, was the earliest supplier of arms to the two countries and the weapons held by their armed forces at the time of independence in 1947 were of British origin. After 1954, Pakistan started obtaining military assistance from the United States under a Mutual Aid Treaty. India continued to procure military equipment from Britain and to some extent France, until the SinoIndian border conflict in 1962. Thereafter, military cooperation with the Soviet Union was established. After the Indo-Pak war in 1965 a Western arms embargo was imposed against Pakistan and India. Lacking indigenous defense production facilities, Pakistan was the more seriously affected. It turned towards France and later, more conspicuously, towards China. India was relatively better placed because of its growing defense production base. Military assistance from the Soviet Union continued, however, becoming very significant over the years. There is an important difference between governmental perceptions of external arms supplies in Pakistan and India. Pakistan has preferred arms imports, and it is only recently that the Pakistani elite has become conscious of the political liabilities attached to foreign military

17 citations