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MonographDOI

Khwadāynāmag The Middle Persian Book of Kings

TL;DR: In this article, Hameen-Anttila analyzed the lost sixth-century history of the Sasanians, its lost Arabic translations, and the sources of Firdawsi's Shāhnāme.
Abstract: In Khwadāynāmag. The Middle Persian Book of Kings Jaakko Hameen-Anttila analyses the lost sixth-century historiographical work of the Sasanians, its lost Arabic translations, and the sources of Firdawsī's Shāhnāme .

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Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Schoeler's two decade long avid exploration into the oral and written modes as mutually compatible media of transmission of knowledge (and perhaps counter-knowledge) in the early Islamic Per... as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Gregor Schoeler's two decade long avid exploration into the oral and written modes as mutually compatible media of transmission of knowledge (and perhaps counter-knowledge) in the early Islamic Per...

23 citations

01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: In this paper, a resolution du probleme souleve par les recits medievaux sur les ambitions alchimistes d'Halid ibn Yazid (mort en 704) dans le cadre de l'etude des debuts of l'hellenisation du monde islamique (avant 800).
Abstract: Resolution du probleme souleve par les recits medievaux sur les ambitions alchimistes d'Halid ibn Yazid (mort en 704) dans le cadre de l'etude des debuts de l'hellenisation du monde islamique (avant 800). La vie de Halid, ses activites politique et scientifique, ses poemes. Sources historiques et critiques des sources.

22 citations

References
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Book
12 May 2011

10 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Philip Wood1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider the Islamic-era sources that report the history of the last Sasanian kings and focus on scenes that seem to indicate Christian influence and ask what this tells us about Christian transmission of the Middle Persian royal histories and about the position of Christians in the empire more broadly.
Abstract: This article considers the Islamic-era sources that report the history of the last Sasanian kings. It focuses on scenes that seem to indicate Christian influence and asks what this tells us about Christian transmission of the Middle Persian royal histories and about the position of Christians in the empire more broadly. In particular, it discusses three scenes from al-Ṭabarī: his presentation of Hormizd IV as a ‘pluralist’ monarch; the changing attitudes of Christians to Khusrau II and the presentation of Khusrau's short-lived successors.

7 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Nov 1983
TL;DR: In the domain of artistic prose it is the spoken, rather than the written word that we primarily associate with the Umayyads as mentioned in this paper, and it is known that the spoken language was the strategic instrument of practical politics, and its essential nature is known to us even if we cannot accept as genuine all specimens of the genre that are attributed to the period.
Abstract: In the domain of artistic prose it is the spoken, rather than the written word that we primarily associate with the Umayyads. In the various sectors of Umayyad public life it was necessary for a man, whether preacher, governor or general, to declaim in clear and vigorous language the views he commanded or recommended. Khatābah (not kitābah ) was the strategic instrument of practical politics, and its essential nature is known to us even if we cannot accept as genuine all specimens of the genre that are attributed to the period. We can, in short, be sure that the political and religious leaders of the Umayyad period, of whatever persuasion or affiliation, struck out a vein of strong native rhetoric and afforded the raw material for the development of an artistic prose literature. But while preachers, governors and generals cultivated the practice of pulpit oratory and martial rhetoric, the Arabic tongue was being subjected to a process of growth in a different direction and expanding, under the hands of the secretarial class, into a language of written prose composition suited to the needs of the court and the administration. The precise point at which the process began is difficult to ascertain, but it is axiomatic that ‘Abd al-Malik's substitution of Arabic for Greek and Persian in the imperial bureaux from 78/697 onwards contained within it the seeds of all future developments in the field of Arabic secretarial literature.

7 citations


"Khwadāynāmag The Middle Persian Boo..." refers background in this paper

  • ...10 See in general Cereti (2001), Emmerick–Macuch (2009), as well as GAS and Ullmann (1970), (1972); Bosworth (1983); Latham (1990); de Blois (2000); and Zakeri (2007b)....

    [...]

  • ...2 and Bosworth (1983) and Latham (1990). 5 In the Western tradition, this was made current by Wellhausen’s book Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz (1902). 6 E.g., al-Muʿtaḍid (r. 279–289/892–902), see Gutas (1998): 125. 7 For the translation movement in general, see Gutas (1998). For what was translated, see Ullmann (1970) and (1972), GAS, and Peters (1968a) and (1968b). 8 The example is based on Gutas (1998): 61–62....

    [...]

  • ..., Latham (1990). 14 See also Ṣafā (1374): 66. Zakeri (2007a) I: 131–135, has questioned the readings Sakīsarān and Paykār....

    [...]

  • ...10 See in general Cereti (2001), Emmerick–Macuch (2009), as well as GAS and Ullmann (1970), (1972); Bosworth (1983); Latham (1990); de Blois (2000); and Zakeri (2007b). 11 The well-known second compiler of the Dēnkard, Ādurbād ī Ēmēdān, seems to have died around 900 (Tafazzoli 1983) and is thus too early to be identified with this Amād, but the mōbad Anmādh (read *Aymādh) mentioned by al-Masʿūdī, Tanbīh, p....

    [...]

  • ...2 and Bosworth (1983) and Latham (1990). 5 In the Western tradition, this was made current by Wellhausen’s book Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz (1902). 6 E.g., al-Muʿtaḍid (r. 279–289/892–902), see Gutas (1998): 125. 7 For the translation movement in general, see Gutas (1998). For what was translated, see Ullmann (1970) and (1972), GAS, and Peters (1968a) and (1968b)....

    [...]