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L'Iran sous les Sassanides

01 Jan 1944-
About: The article was published on 1944-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 121 citations till now.
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Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 2001-Phoenix
TL;DR: The Persian court chiliarchy under Alexander and the Successors as mentioned in this paper was not identical with the equestrian chiliarchy and had no fundamental administrative duties and its significance should be sought in the broad changes in Alexander's court when he became the new king of Asia.
Abstract: This article examines in detail the Persian court chiliarchy under Alexander and the Successors. The office was not identical with the equestrian chiliarchy and had no fundamental administrative duties. Its significance should be sought in the broad changes in Alexander's court when he became the new king of Asia.

9 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, an analytical study of existing histories of women in Iran and their underpinnings is presented, emphasizing the sodal, poUtical, and theoretical limitations of writing women's history.
Abstract: The spread of the women's movement in postrevolutionary Iran introduced research in women's history as an immediate task for Iranian social sdentists.1 This task has both academic and practical significance. Since the veÃ1⁄4 of history has exÃ1⁄4ed women to a remote corner, restoring women to history wÃ1⁄4l lead us to a deeper and more complex understanding of economic, poUtical, and cultural inequaUties. Furthermore, by breaking down the walls of isolation, historical ties develop among women. Writing women's history 'leads to the formation of poUticized consdousness and self-identity.\"2 IndividuaUy oppressed people wÃ1⁄4l discover continuity. Not possessing the history of their Ufe and struggle has caused progressive women and men to repeat mistakes, often with too great a price to pay. In order to compensate for this shortcoming and to develop continuity with the past, it is essential to have a common language which wÃ1⁄4l be effective for an understanding of women's Ufe experiences as weU as fadUtating their communication. Discovering women in history is an important step in this direction. Middle East scholars have already pointed out the significance of historical studies of women in this region.3 This article is an analytical study of existing histories of women in Iran and their underpinnings. It emphasizes the sodal, poUtical, and theoretical limitations of writing women's history and points out some immediate theoretical tasks of writing women's history in Iran.

9 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Les Miroirs des princes ont connu, dans les societes islamiques, une diffusion sans commune mesure avec celle qui caracterise le monde occidental, and une perennite tout aussi remarquable dans leur production and leur compilation, du VIIIe jusqu’au debut du XXe siecle, avec meme une possible reviviscence, puis un effondrement, non seulement de cette litterature mais de l’ense
Abstract: Les Miroirs des princes ont connu, dans les societes islamiques, une diffusion sans commune mesure avec celle qui caracterise le monde occidental, et une perennite tout aussi remarquable dans leur production et leur compilation, du VIIIe jusqu’au debut du XXe siecle. Ils constituent a la fois un genre autonome et une production diffuse, invasive jusque dans le conte et la litterature orale, se referant instamment a une sagesse anonyme et universelle, intemporelle. C’est pourquoi, par dela la tradition du conseil aux princes, ils sont continument percus comme un lieu propre du politique, eventuellement distinct du religieux et anterieur meme a l’islam. Un fort accent y est mis sur l’equite et la justice, dans le refus explicite de marquer toute specificite islamique, constamment relativisee. La recherche sur cette litterature a generalement privilegie une approche centree sur la typologie du genre et ses differentes evolutions, mais au detriment de l’etude de son sens global dans l’ensemble de la litterature politique, comme tresor commun de sagesse, comme fond argumentaire dialogique propre aux dirigeants comme aux sujets. En depit d’oscillations dans le dynamisme de cette production, on constate sa permanence jusqu’au debut du XXe siecle, avec meme une possible reviviscence, puis un effondrement, non seulement de cette litterature mais de l’ensemble de la culture sultanienne dont elle est le support, qui est une culture seculiere du politique, et qui bascule soudainement dans l’oubli, frappee de desuetude. Apres avoir envisage quelques interpretations a ce brusque declin, on ne peut que suggerer une possible modernite de cette litterature et souhaiter que soit mise en oeuvre sa relecture politique aujourd’hui.

9 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the later part of the Sasanid period, under Khusraw I Anusharwan (531-79) and Kawad I (488-96) as mentioned in this paper, the mint name Sakastan (SK on coins from Shabur II [309-79] onwards) and then also that of Zarang (ZR, ZRN, and ZRNG from the first reign of Kawad II [488]- onwards) from the early third century C.E.
Abstract: TODAY SISTAN IS AN IMPOVERISHED REGION OF THE AFGHAN-PERSIAN BORDERLAND, the condition of whose economy and populace appeared excessively forlorn to the few European travellers and officials who visited it or who worked there in the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Thus the Indian Army officer, boundary delimitation commissioner, and consul C. E. Yate, writing of his experiences in the 1890s, stated, "What with their debts to the katkhudas who advanced the grain, the cultivators and people of Sistan generally were in a wretched state of poverty. I do not think I ever saw a more miserable-looking lot."' Yet Sistan, until later medieval times at least, had enjoyed a much more glorious past. "Sistan," Middle Persian Sakastan "land of the Sakas," whence Arabic Sijistan, is of course the more recent name in history for the Drangiana of the classical Greek geographers and historians. Drangiana neverthless survived in parallel to the Middle Persian and Islamic designation Sistan. It subsequently appears in the Greek text of Isidore of Charax (who probably flourished in the first two-thirds of the first century C.E.) with an initial voiced sibilant as Zarangiane. From the early third century C.E., when the founder of the Sasanid dynasty Ardashir I Babagan (224-42) founded or re-founded the main town of the region, Zarang was the name used for the capital of Sistan until around the sixth/twelfth century, when Shahr-i Sistan becomes the more usual name for the capital in the Islamic sources. On the coins of the Sasanids, we find first the mint name Sakastan (SK on coins from Shabur II [309-79] onwards) and then also that of Zarang (ZR, ZRN, and ZRNG from the first reign of Kawad I [488-96] onwards).2 The importance attached to Sistan at this time explains why the governors of this newly founded shahr or large province frequently came from the royal family, like Shabur I's fourth son Narseh and then Bahram I's son, the future Bahram II, under the title of "ruler of Sakastan, Turestan, and Hind, to the shores of the sea," according to contemporary inscriptions; or else the governors came from great aristocratic families (as they had previously stemmed in the Parthian period) of the Sasanid court stratum, like Sukhra son of Wishabur, who stemmed from the Parthian house of Karen, under the emperors Firuz I, Balash, and Kawad I. In the later part of the Sasanid period, under Khusraw I Anusharwan (531-79), the administration

8 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the impact of Islam on families in 8th-century rural Ṭukhāristan (modern-day northern Afghanistan), at the periphery of the late Umayyad and early ʿAbbāsid caliphate, is analyzed.
Abstract: This paper is a first attempt at understanding the impact of Islam on families in eighth-century rural Ṭukhāristan (modern-day northern Afghanistan), at the periphery of the late Umayyad and early ʿAbbāsid caliphate. Tukhāristan lay in the ancient region of Bactria, which became the land and city of Balkh after the Islamic conquests of the early seven hundreds ad. My analysis is based on a fascinating corpus of legal documents and letters, written in Bactrian and Arabic in the fourth to eighth centuries ad, which were discovered, edited and translated relatively recently. Scholars of Central Asia have tended to discuss the region's early Islamic history within a politico-military framework based on chronicles and prosopographies written in Arabic and/or adapted into Persian centuries after the Muslim conquests. Such narrative sources describe an ideal state defined by genres of Islamic historiography, and come with the usual menu of distortions, simplifications and exoticisms. The documents under review, on the other hand, were written to serve immediate and practical uses; the evidence they offer is devoid of rhetoric, recording aspects of life and social groupings to which we would otherwise have no access. This paper argues that during the transition to Islamic rule (c. ad 700–771), Bactrian and Islamic administrative systems co-existed, and significantly affected family life and marriage traditions. Specifically, it is suggested that the early ʿAbbāsid tax system eclipsed the age-old practice of fraternal polyandry here: more by default than by design.

8 citations