Journal Article•
La anarquía es lo que los estados hacen de ella: La construcción social de la política de poder
15 Mar 2005-Relaciones Internacionales (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales)-Iss: 1, pp 3-47
TL;DR: The principal asunto que se cuestiona en los debates sobre teoria social es el tipo de fundamento que puede ofrecer el conjunto de preguntas and las estrategias de investigacion mas provechosas para poder explicar los cambios revolucionarios que parecen estar ocurriendo in el sistema internacional desde finales del siglo XX.
Abstract: Todas las teorias de relaciones internacionales se basan en teorias sociales de relaciones entre agentes, procesos y estructuras sociales. Las teorias sociales no determinan el contenido de nuestra teoria internacional, pero estructuran las preguntas que nos hacemos sobre la politica mundial y nuestros enfoques en las respuestas a esas cuestiones. El principal asunto que se cuestiona en los debates sobre teoria social es el tipo de fundamento que puede ofrecer el conjunto de preguntas y las estrategias de investigacion mas provechosas para poder explicar los cambios revolucionarios que parecen estar ocurriendo en el sistema internacional desde finales del siglo XX.
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TL;DR: This paper conducted an empirical analysis of the link between refugees and civil conflict since the mid-twentieth century and found that the presence of refugees from neighboring countries leads to an increased probabil-ity of violence, suggesting that refugees are one important source of conflict diffusion.
Abstract: Certain regions of the world experience more conflict than others+ Pre- vious analyses have shown that a civil war in one country significantly increases the likelihood that neighboring states will experience conflict+ This finding, however, still remains largely unexplained+ We argue that population movements are an important mechanism by which conflict spreads across regions+ Refugee flows are not only the consequence of political turmoil—the presence of refugees and displaced popula- tions can also increase the risk of subsequent conflict in host and origin countries+ Refugees expand rebel social networks and constitute a negative externality of civil war+ Although the vast majority of refugees never directly engage in violence, refu- gee flows may facilitate the transnational spread of arms, combatants, and ideologies conducive to conflict; they alter the ethnic composition of the state; and they can exacerbate economic competition+ We conduct an empirical analysis of the link between refugees and civil conflict since the mid-twentieth century, and we find that the presence of refugees from neighboring countries leads to an increased probabil- ity of violence, suggesting that refugees are one important source of conflict diffusion+ Certain regions of the world experience more conflict than others+ Regions such as Central America, the Great Lakes region of Africa, and South-East Asia have witnessed numerous civil wars within several states, whereas other areas such as Europe and the Southern Cone of Latin America have had a relatively low fre- quency of internal conflict+ Statistical analyses, moreover, have demonstrated that there is a regional clustering of civil war and that states bordering countries at war
753 citations
Cites background from "La anarquía es lo que los estados h..."
...…conflicts in the Balkans, Southeast Asia, the Great Lakes region of Africa, and so on, reveals considerable 14+ See Keohane 1984; Waltz 1979; and Wendt 1992+ 15+ See, for example, Collier and Hoeffler 2004; Fearon and Laitin 2003; Hegre et al+ 2001; and Reynal-Querol 2002+ Refugees and the…...
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01 Jan 2005
TL;DR: This article applied quantitative techniques such as linguistic distance, cluster analysis, principal components analysis, and regression analysis to data on English speech variants in England and America to distinguish clusters of speakers with similar speech patterns, and isolate groups of variants that distinguish those groups of speakers.
Abstract: This study applies quantitative techniques—measures of linguistic distance, cluster analysis, principal components analysis, and regression analysis—to data on English speech variants in England and America. The analysis yields measures of similarity among English and American speakers, distinguishes clusters of speakers with similar speech patterns, and isolates groups of variants that distinguish those groups of speakers. The results are consistent with a model of new-dialect formation in the American colonies, involving competition within and selection from a pool of variants introduced by speakers from different dialect regions. The patterns of similarity appear to be largely consistent with the historical evidence of migrations from seventeenthand eighteenth-century Britain to North America, lending support to the hypothesis of regional English origins for some important differences in American dialects, and suggesting mainly southeastern English influence on American speech, with somewhat greater southeastern influence on New England speech and southwestern influence in the American South.
531 citations
Cites result from "La anarquía es lo que los estados h..."
...…with neoliberalism by attributing the root cause of the Long Peace to evolving norms and the social construction of identity (Katzenstein 1996; Wendt 1992, 1999).4 Neorealism, in contrast, is fundamentally at odds with both approaches and rejects the importance of the Kantian Tripod and…...
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01 Dec 2004
TL;DR: The notion of knowledge in power has been studied in the context of global governance as discussed by the authors. But it has not yet been explored in the field of policing and global governance, as discussed in this paper.
Abstract: 1. Power and global governance Michael N. Barnett and Raymond Duvall 2. Power, institutions, and the production of inequality Andrew Hurrell 3. Policing and global governance Mark Laffey and Jutta Weldes 4. Power, fairness and the global economy Ethan Kapstein 5. Power politics and the institutionalization of international relations Lloyd Gruber 6. Power, nested governance, and the WTO: a comparative institutional approach Greg Shaffer 7. The power of liberal international organizations Michael N. Barnett and Martha Finnemore 8. The power of interpretive communities Ian Johnstone 9. Class powers and the politics of global governance Mark Rupert 10. Global civil society and global governmentality: or, the search for the political and the state amidst capillaries of power Ronnie Lipschutz 11. Governing the innocent? The 'civilian' in international law Helen Kinsella 12. Colonial and postcolonial global governance Himadeep Muppidi 13. Knowledge in power: the epistemic construction of global governance Emanuel Adler and Steven Bernstein.
503 citations
TL;DR: The international relations of the new Europe are shaped by a process of international socialization in which the Western community transmits its constitutive liberal norms to Central and Eastern Europe as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The international relations of the `new Europe' are shaped by a process of international socialization in which the Western community transmits its constitutive liberal norms to Central and Eastern Europe. This process neither fits rationalist assumptions about international politics in a technical environment nor sociological theories of action. Rather, international socialization in the new Europe is best explained as a process of rational action in a normatively institutionalized international environment. Under these conditions, rational state behaviour is constrained by value-based norms of legitimate statehood and proper conduct. Selfish political actors conform to these norms in order to reap the benefits of international legitimacy, but as instrumental actors they also calculate whether these benefits are worth the costs of conformity and how they can be reaped efficiently. An empirical analysis of the behaviour of the Western socialization agencies and the CEE countries supports this perspective ...
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors assess the evolution of critical views of approaches to security studies in Europe, discuss their theoretical premises, investigate their intellectual ramifications, and examine how they coalesce around different issues (such as a state of exception).
Abstract: In the last decade, critical approaches have substantially reshaped the theoretical landscape of security studies in Europe. Yet, despite an impressive body of literature, there remains fundamental disagreement as to what counts as critical in this context. Scholars are still arguing in terms of ‘schools’, while there has been an increasing and sustained cross-fertilization among critical approaches. Finally, the boundaries between critical and traditional approaches to security remain blurred. The aim of this article is therefore to assess the evolution of critical views of approaches to security studies in Europe, discuss their theoretical premises, investigate their intellectual ramifications, and examine how they coalesce around different issues (such as a state of exception). The article then assesses the political implications of critical approaches. This is done mainly by analysing processes by which critical approaches to security percolate through a growing number of subjects (such as development, peace research, risk management). Finally, ethical and research implications are explored.
325 citations
Cites background from "La anarquía es lo que los estados h..."
...…(e.g. South Asia) to the dense institutional and normative net of a security community (Europe), thereby empirically operationalizing Wendt’s claim against Kenneth Waltz that ‘cultures of anarchy’ may range from Hobbesian to Kantian, depending on ‘what actors make of it’ (Wendt, 1992, 1999)....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the prevailing view of international economic regimes is strictly positivistic in its epistemological orientation and stresses the distribution of material power capabilities in its explanatory logic.
Abstract: The prevailing model of international economic regimes is strictly positivistic in its epistemological orientation and stresses the distribution of material power capabilities in its explanatory logic. It is inadequate to account for the current set of international economic regimes and for the differences between past and present regimes. The model elaborated here departs from the prevailing view in two respects, while adhering to it in a third. First, it argues that regimes comprise not simply what actors say and do, but also what they understand and find acceptable within an intersubjective framework of meaning. Second, it argues that in the economic realm such a framework of meaning cannot be deduced from the distribution of material power capabilities, but must be sought in the configuration of state-society relations that is characteristic of the regime-making states. Third, in incorporating these notions into our understanding of the formation and transformation of international economic regimes, the formulation self-consciously strives to remain at the systemic level and to avoid becoming reductionist in attributing cause and effect relations. The article can therefore argue that the prevailing view is deficient on its own terms and must be expanded and modified. Addressing the world of actual international economic regimes, the article argues that the pax Britannica and the pax Americana cannot be equated in any meaningful sense, and that the postwar regimes for money and trade live on notwithstanding premature announcements of their demise.
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TL;DR: Critical theory as mentioned in this paper allows for a normative choice in favour of a social and political order different from the prevailing order, but it limits the range of choice to alternative orders which are feasible transformations of the existing world.
Abstract: Academic conventions divide up the seamless web of the real social world into separate spheres, each with its own theorising; this is a necessary and practical way of gaining understanding. Subdivisions of social knowledge thus may roughly correspond to the ways in which human affairs are organised in particular times and places. E. H. Carr and Eric Hobsbawm have both been sensitive to the continuities between social forces, the changing nature of the state and global relationships. Critical theory is directed to the social and political complex as a whole rather than to the separate parts. Critical theory allows for a normative choice in favour of a social and political order different from the prevailing order, but it limits the range of choice to alternative orders which are feasible transformations of the existing world. The "common rationality" of neo-realism arises from its polemic with liberal internationalism.
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors point out that the study of regimes as practiced today suffers from the fact that its epistemological approaches contradict its basic ontological posture and propose more interpretive strains, commensurate with the intersubjective basis of international regimes.
Abstract: International organization as a field of study is where the action is. The analytical shifts leading up to the current preoccupation with international regimes have been both progressive and cumulative. And the field is pursuing its object of study in innovative ways that are bringing it closer to the theoretical core of more general international relations work. As we point out, however, the study of regimes as practiced today suffers from the fact that its epistemological approaches contradict its basic ontological posture. Accordingly, more interpretive strains, commensurate with the intersubjective basis of international regimes, should be included in the prevailing epistemological approaches. In addition, as a result of its enthusiasm for the concept of regimes, the field has tended to neglect the study of formal international organizations. Interpretive epistemologies can also help to link up the study of regimes with the study of formal international organizations by drawing attention to the roles these organizations play in creating transparency in the behavior and expectations of actors, serving as focal points for the international legitimation struggle, and providing a venue for the conduct of global epistemic politics.
937 citations
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TL;DR: In this article, the effects of assigned role and alter's feedback on the altercasting process were investigated and found that subjects tend to accord alter evaluative superiority at the task at hand and actively place the mantle of responsibility on his shoulders when confronted with negative and attacking responses.
Abstract: Altercasting is defined as projecting an identity, to be assumed by other(s) with whom one is in interaction, which is congruent with one's own goals It is posited as a basic technique of interpersonal control Rating scales measuring six dimensions of altercasting are devised and provide the raw data for a pilot investigation of the effects of assigned role and of alter's feedback on the altercasting process While assigned role is not salient for college subjects, feedback differentials produce a consistent pattern When confronted with negative and attacking responses, subjects tend to accord alter evaluative superiority at the task at hand and actively place the mantle of responsibility on his shoulders
229 citations
TL;DR: The anarchy approach stresses individual actors' choices and slights questions of how issues are posed and constrained as discussed by the authors, and it takes preferences as given without exploring either the frequency of Prisoners' Dilemma situations or the ways in which preferences are formed and can change.
Abstract: Recent work has focused on the problem of how states cooperate in the environment of anarchy. Linked to the ideas of the Prisoners' Dilemma and public goods, that work has provided important insights and lines of research. But it also has problems and limitations, which are explored in the paper. The anarchy approach stresses individual actors' choices and slights questions of how issues are posed and constrained. It takes preferences as given without exploring either the frequency of PD situations or the ways in which preferences are formed and can change. Many of the concepts the framework uses—e.g., cooperation and defection, the distinction between offense and defense, and the nature of power—are problematical. Issues of beliefs, perceptions, norms, and values also lead to a different perspective on cooperation.
201 citations