05 Jun 2009-Science (American Association for the Advancement of Science)-Vol. 324, Iss: 5932, pp 1298-1301
TL;DR: A population model shows that demography is a major determinant in the maintenance of cultural complexity and that variation in regional subpopulation density and/or migratory activity results in spatial structuring of cultural skill accumulation.
Abstract: The origins of modern human behavior are marked by increased symbolic and technological complexity in the archaeological record. In western Eurasia this transition, the Upper Paleolithic, occurred about 45,000 years ago, but many of its features appear transiently in southern Africa about 45,000 years earlier. We show that demography is a major determinant in the maintenance of cultural complexity and that variation in regional subpopulation density and/or migratory activity results in spatial structuring of cultural skill accumulation. Genetic estimates of regional population size over time show that densities in early Upper Paleolithic Europe were similar to those in sub-Saharan Africa when modern behavior first appeared. Demographic factors can thus explain geographic variation in the timing of the first appearance of modern behavior without invoking increased cognitive capacity.
TL;DR: In this paper, Bostrom's work picks its way carefully through a vast tract of forbiddingly difficult intellectual terrain, and the writing is so lucid that it somehow makes it all seem easy.
Abstract: The human brain has some capabilities that the brains of other animals lack. It is to these distinctive capabilities that our species owes its dominant position. Other animals have stronger muscles or sharper claws, but we have cleverer brains. If machine brains one day come to surpass human brains in general intelligence, then this new superintelligence could become very powerful. As the fate of the gorillas now depends more on us humans than on the gorillas themselves, so the fate of our species then would come to depend on the actions of the machine superintelligence. But we have one advantage: we get to make the first move. Will it be possible to construct a seed AI or otherwise to engineer initial conditions so as to make an intelligence explosion survivable? How could one achieve a controlled detonation? To get closer to an answer to this question, we must make our way through a fascinating landscape of topics and considerations. Read the book and learn about oracles, genies, singletons; about boxing methods, tripwires, and mind crime; about humanity's cosmic endowment and differential technological development; indirect normativity, instrumental convergence, whole brain emulation and technology couplings; Malthusian economics and dystopian evolution; artificial intelligence, and biological cognitive enhancement, and collective intelligence. This profoundly ambitious and original book picks its way carefully through a vast tract of forbiddingly difficult intellectual terrain. Yet the writing is so lucid that it somehow makes it all seem easy. After an utterly engrossing journey that takes us to the frontiers of thinking about the human condition and the future of intelligent life, we find in Nick Bostrom's work nothing less than a reconceptualization of the essential task of our time.
907 citations
Cites background from "Late Pleistocene Demography and the..."
...It has been argued that a higher population density triggered the Upper Paleolithic Revolution and that beyond a certain threshold accumulation of cultural complexity became much easier (Powell et al. 2009)....
TL;DR: It is found that hunter-gatherers display a unique social structure where either sex may disperse or remain in their natal group, adult brothers and sisters often co-reside, and most individuals in residential groups are genetically unrelated, which suggests large social networks may help to explain why humans evolved capacities for social learning.
Abstract: Contemporary humans exhibit spectacular biological success derived from cumulative culture and cooperation. The origins of these traits may be related to our ancestral group structure. Because humans lived as foragers for 95% of our species' history, we analyzed co-residence patterns among 32 present-day foraging societies (total n = 5067 individuals, mean experienced band size = 28.2 adults). We found that hunter-gatherers display a unique social structure where (i) either sex may disperse or remain in their natal group, (ii) adult brothers and sisters often co-reside, and (iii) most individuals in residential groups are genetically unrelated. These patterns produce large interaction networks of unrelated adults and suggest that inclusive fitness cannot explain extensive cooperation in hunter-gatherer bands. However, large social networks may help to explain why humans evolved capacities for social learning that resulted in cumulative culture.
TL;DR: It is argued that although recent progress has been impressive, the next decade will yield even more substantial insights not only into how domestication took place, but also when and where it did, and where and why it did not.
Abstract: It is difficult to overstate the cultural and biological impacts that the domestication of plants and animals has had on our species. Fundamental questions regarding where, when, and how many times domestication took place have been of primary interest within a wide range of academic disciplines. Within the last two decades, the advent of new archaeological and genetic techniques has revolutionized our understanding of the pattern and process of domestication and agricultural origins that led to our modern way of life. In the spring of 2011, 25 scholars with a central interest in domestication representing the fields of genetics, archaeobotany, zooarchaeology, geoarchaeology, and archaeology met at the National Evolutionary Synthesis Center to discuss recent domestication research progress and identify challenges for the future. In this introduction to the resulting Special Feature, we present the state of the art in the field by discussing what is known about the spatial and temporal patterns of domestication, and controversies surrounding the speed, intentionality, and evolutionary aspects of the domestication process. We then highlight three key challenges for future research. We conclude by arguing that although recent progress has been impressive, the next decade will yield even more substantial insights not only into how domestication took place, but also when and where it did, and where and why it did not.
TL;DR: The Iberian finds show that European Neandertals were no different from coeval Africans in this regard, countering genetic/cognitive explanations for the emergence of symbolism and strengthening demographic/social ones.
Abstract: Two sites of the Neandertal-associated Middle Paleolithic of Iberia, dated to as early as approximately 50,000 years ago, yielded perforated and pigment-stained marine shells. At Cueva de los Aviones, three umbo-perforated valves of Acanthocardia and Glycymeris were found alongside lumps of yellow and red colorants, and residues preserved inside a Spondylus shell consist of a red lepidocrocite base mixed with ground, dark red-to-black fragments of hematite and pyrite. A perforated Pecten shell, painted on its external, white side with an orange mix of goethite and hematite, was abandoned after breakage at Cueva Anton, 60 km inland. Comparable early modern human-associated material from Africa and the Near East is widely accepted as evidence for body ornamentation, implying behavioral modernity. The Iberian finds show that European Neandertals were no different from coeval Africans in this regard, countering genetic/cognitive explanations for the emergence of symbolism and strengthening demographic/social ones.
TL;DR: This work implements several building-block reaction types and combines them into a network that realizes, at the molecular level, an algorithm used in distributed control systems for achieving consensus between multiple agents.
Abstract: Biological organisms use complex molecular networks to navigate their environment and regulate their internal state. The development of synthetic systems with similar capabilities could lead to applications such as smart therapeutics or fabrication methods based on self-organization. To achieve this, molecular control circuits need to be engineered to perform integrated sensing, computation and actuation. Here we report a DNA-based technology for implementing the computational core of such controllers. We use the formalism of chemical reaction networks as a 'programming language' and our DNA architecture can, in principle, implement any behaviour that can be mathematically expressed as such. Unlike logic circuits, our formulation naturally allows complex signal processing of intrinsically analogue biological and chemical inputs. Controller components can be derived from biologically synthesized (plasmid) DNA, which reduces errors associated with chemically synthesized DNA. We implement several building-block reaction types and then combine them into a network that realizes, at the molecular level, an algorithm used in distributed control systems for achieving consensus between multiple agents.
TL;DR: General agreement of genetic and predefined populations suggests that self-reported ancestry can facilitate assessments of epidemiological risks but does not obviate the need to use genetic information in genetic association studies.
Abstract: We studied human population structure using genotypes at 377 autosomal microsatellite loci in 1056 individuals from 52 populations. Within-population differences among individuals account for 93 to 95% of genetic variation; differences among major groups constitute only 3 to 5%. Nevertheless, without using prior information about the origins of individuals, we identified six main genetic clusters, five of which correspond to major geographic regions, and subclusters that often correspond to individual populations. General agreement of genetic and predefined populations suggests that self-reported ancestry can facilitate assessments of epidemiological risks but does not obviate the need to use genetic information in genetic association studies.
TL;DR: The African Middle and early Late Pleistocene hominid fossil record is fairly continuous and in it can be recognized a number of probably distinct species that provide plausible ancestors for H. sapiens, and suggests a gradual assembling of the package of modern human behaviors in Africa, and its later export to other regions of the Old World.
TL;DR: A pattern of ancestral allele frequency distributions that reflects variation in population dynamics among geographic regions is observed and is consistent with the hypothesis of a serial founder effect with a single origin in sub-Saharan Africa.
Abstract: Human genetic diversity is shaped by both demographic and biological factors and has fundamental implications for understanding the genetic basis of diseases. We studied 938 unrelated individuals from 51 populations of the Human Genome Diversity Panel at 650,000 common single-nucleotide polymorphism loci. Individual ancestry and population substructure were detectable with very high resolution. The relationship between haplotype heterozygosity and geography was consistent with the hypothesis of a serial founder effect with a single origin in sub-Saharan Africa. In addition, we observed a pattern of ancestral allele frequency distributions that reflects variation in population dynamics among geographic regions. This data set allows the most comprehensive characterization to date of human genetic variation.
TL;DR: The principles-and-parameter approach has been used in this paper to account for properties of language in terms of general considerations of computational efficiency, eliminating some of the technology postulated as specific to language and providing more principled explanation of linguistic phenomena.
Abstract: The biolinguistic perspective regards the language faculty as an “organ of the body,” along with other cognitive systems. Adopting it, we expect to find three factors that interact to determine (I-) languages attained: genetic endowment (the topic of Universal Grammar), experience, and principles that are language- or even organism-independent. Research has naturally focused on I-languages and UG, the problems of descriptive and explanatory adequacy. The Principles-and-Parameters approach opened the possibility for serious investigation of the third factor, and the attempt to account for properties of language in terms of general considerations of computational efficiency, eliminating some of the technology postulated as specific to language and providing more principled explanation of linguistic phenomena
TL;DR: The Pirah language as mentioned in this paper is a language restricted to non-abstract subjects which fall within the immediate experience of interlocutors, which explains the absence of numbers of any kind or a concept of counting and of any terms for quantification.
Abstract: The Pirah language challenges simplistic application of Hocketts nearly universally accepted design features of human language by showing that some of these features (interchangeability, displacement, and productivity) may be culturally constrained. In particular, Pirah culture constrains communication to nonabstract subjects which fall within the immediate experience of interlocutors. This constraint explains a number of very surprising features of Pirah grammar and culture: the absence of numbers of any kind or a concept of counting and of any terms for quantification, the absence of color terms, the absence of embedding, the simplest pronoun inventory known, the absence of relative tenses, the simplest kinship system yet documented, the absence of creation myths and fiction, the absence of any individual or collective memory of more than two generations past, the absence of drawing or other art and one of the simplest material cultures documented, and the fact that the Pirah are monolingual after more ...
The following resources related to this article are available online at http: //www. sciencemag. Version of this article at: including high-resolution figures, can be found in the online Updated information and services, http: //www. sciencemag. Can be found at: Supporting Online Material found at: can be related to this article A list of selected additional articles on the Science Web sites http: //www. sciencemag. This article http: //www. sciencemag. 1 articles hosted by HighWire Press ; see: cited by This article has been http: //www. sciencemag. This article appears in the following http: //www. sciencemag. org/about/permissions. Dtl in whole or in part can be found at: this article permission to reproduce of this article or about obtaining reprints Information about obtaining
Q2. What is the main assumption of the ancestral population size estimation method used?
An important assumption of the ancestral population size estimation method used is that samples are taken from unstructured (i.e., randomly mating) populations.
Q3. What is the effect of Bayesian coalescent inference on structured data sets?
Performing Bayesian coalescent inference (34) on such structured data sets is likely to have resulted in an overestimation of the effective population size and the time at which population expansion took place.
Q4. What did the authors expect to see in the late Pleistocene?
The authors would also expect heterogeneity in migratory range during the late Pleistocene due to, for example, differing terrains, vegetation, or subsistence strategies (4).
Q5. What is the effect of a parameter b on learning?
individual errors or “inaccurate inferences” during transmission (the extent of which are governed by a parameter b) occasionally allow some learners to acquire a z value greater than that of their model.
Q6. How long did it take for AMH to reach the habitable parts of the Old World?
It is now widely accepted that AMH evolved in Africa ~160 to 200 ka (9, 16–18) and expanded into most habitable parts of the Old World between 90 and 40 ka (19–21).
Q7. What is the likely explanation for the increase in population density?
the authors would expect to see more artifactual evidence of behavioral modernity in higher population density contexts through increased deposition.
Q8. What is the origin of modern human behavior?
the Appearance of ModernAdam Powell,1,3 Stephen Shennan,2,3 Mark G. Thomas1,3*The origins of modern human behavior are marked by increased symbolic and technological complexity in the archaeological record.
Q9. How many km2 of population size is estimated in Europe?
The median effective population size estimate in Europe at ~45 ka is 2905 [with 95% highest posterior density interval of 280.4 to 15,933.9], giving an effective population density of ~3.2714 × 10−4km−2.
Q10. What did the authors do to ensure that the migration rate was accurate?
This ensured that sufficient subpopulations were connected by migratory activity— including across the partition—for the migration rate to approximate the density in each region.
Q11. What is the evidence that the South African Howieson’s Poort industries became depopulated?
Lahr and Foley (20) suggest that continent-wide secondary population bottlenecks may have occurred ~70 ka, and there is some evidence that the sites of the South African Howieson’s Poort industries became effectively depopulated by ~60 ka (15, 20).