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Less-standard claims to justice through the lens of media debates on minority education:

17 Jul 2021-Theory and Research in Education (SAGE PublicationsSage UK: London, England)-Vol. 19, Iss: 2, pp 127-147
TL;DR: The coexistence, not always peaceful, of multiple and often rival, conceptions of justice in education policy and practice is well recognized and problematized in the academic literature.
Abstract: The coexistence, not always peaceful, of multiple and often rival, conceptions of justice in education policy and practice is well recognized and problematized in the academic literature. Relativel...
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TL;DR: In this paper , the role of inter-ethnic tensions in organizing public imaging of justice in educational matters was investigated by exploring carefully selected education-related debates that have taken place in and through news media in five European countries.
Abstract: By exploring carefully selected education-related debates that have taken place in and through news media in five European countries, the current study investigates the role of inter-ethnic tensions in organizing public imaging of justice in educational matters. It focuses in particular on analysing in what ways and on what levels of moral reasoning justice-related tensions in the realm of education are permeated with inter-ethnic conflict. The results show that among the various justice-related controversies in educational matters, tensions around the imagined ‘who’ of (in)justice, the alleged winners and losers of educational policies, and the perceived victims and victimizers are absolutely crucial, determining the preferred definition of (in)justice as well as the choice of principles that should govern the realization of justice. Current analysis also shows how claiming victimhood by members of majorities pairs with ‘shifting blame’ and turning minorities into the agents of majoritarian suffering.
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article developed a model of the process through which social problems rise and fall, treating public attention as a scarce resource, and emphasizing competition and selection in the media and other arenas of public discourse.
Abstract: This paper develops a model of the process through which social problems rise and fall. Treating public attention as a scarce resource, the model emphasizes competition and selection in the media and other arenas of public discourse. Linkages among public arenas produce feedback that drives the growth of social problems. Growth is constrained by the finite "carrying capacities" of public arenas, by competition, and by the need for sustained drama. The tension between the constraints and forces for growth produces successive waves of problem definitions, as problems and those who promote them compete to enter and to remain on the public agenda. Suggestions for empirical tests of the model are specified.

1,843 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Sociologists have erred in locating social problems in objective conditions as discussed by the authors, and instead, social problems have their being in a process of collective definition, which determines whether social problems will arise, whether they become legitimated, how they are shaped in discussion and how they come to be addressed in official policy.
Abstract: Sociologists have erred in locating social problems in objective conditions. Instead, social problems have their being in a process of collective definition. This process determines whether social problems will arise, whether they become legitimated, how they are shaped in discussion, how they come to be addressed in official policy, and how they, are reconstituted in putting planned action into effect. Sociological theory and study must respect this process.

1,034 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors analyzed three normative accounts that can underlie educational policies, with special attention to gender issues, including human capital theory, rights discursive theory, and human-computer interaction theory.
Abstract: This article analyses three normative accounts that can underlie educational policies, with special attention to gender issues. These three models of education are human capital theory, rights disc...

458 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 May 2013-Synthese
TL;DR: It is argued that non-Domination is best understood as a thoroughly generic liberal ideal of freedom to which even negative libertarians are implicitly committed, for non-domination is negative liberty as of right—secured non-interference.
Abstract: I shall first briefly revisit the broad idea of ‘epistemic injustice’, explaining how it can take either distributive or discriminatory form, in order to put the concepts of ‘testimonial injustice’ and ‘hermeneutical injustice’ in place. In previous work I have explored how the wrong of both kinds of epistemic injustice has both an ethical and an epistemic significance—someone is wronged in their capacity as a knower. But my present aim is to show that this wrong can also have a political significance in relation to non-domination, and so to freedom. While it is only the republican conception of political freedom that presents nondomination as constitutive of freedom, I shall argue that non-domination is best understood as a thoroughly generic liberal ideal of freedom to which even negative libertarians are implicitly committed, for non-domination is negative liberty as of right—secured non-interference. Crucially on this conception, non-domination requires that the citizen can contest interferences. Pettit specifies three conditions of contestation, each of which protects against a salient risk of the would-be contester not getting a ‘proper hearing’. But I shall argue that missing from this list is anything to protect against a fourth salient threat: the threat that either kind of epistemic injustice might disable contestation by way of an unjust deflation of either credibility or intelligibility. Thus we see that both testimonial and hermeneutical injustice can render a would-be contester dominated. Epistemic justice is thereby revealed as a constitutive condition of non-domination, and thus of a central liberal political ideal of freedom.

200 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that it is not possible to make cross-national or other comparative assessments of social justice without consideration of the ways in which justice is enacted in practice.
Abstract: This paper builds on Iris Young's work to argue that social justice in education has to be understood in relation to particular contexts of enactment. More specifically, the author argues that it is not possible to make cross‐national or other comparative assessments of social justice without consideration of the ways in which justice is enacted in practice. The contextualized approach to justice that the author is advocating involves: first a recognition of the multi‐dimensional nature of justice and the potential for conflict between different facets of justice; second, attention to the ways in which concerns of justice are mediated by the other norms and constraints that motivate actors; and third, a consideration of the way in which contradictions between different facets of justice and these other norms and between justice concerns and the constraints that compete with justice are differentially shaped by the levels and settings in which the actors are operating. This contextualized approach is illus...

189 citations