Lessons of Struggle: South African Internal Opposition, 1960-1990
TL;DR: The authors examines the evolution of internal opposition to apartheid in South Africa since 1969 and analyses the successes and failures of the opposition movement during the last two decades and pinpoints three distinct stages in black South Africa's struggle for a post-apartheid future.
Abstract: This work examines the evolution of internal opposition to apartheid in South Africa since 1969. Tony Marx analyses the successes and failures of the opposition movement during the last two decades and pinpoints three distinct stages in black South Africa's struggle for a post-apartheid future.
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01 Oct 1997
TL;DR: The 92nd issue of the Air Force Academy Libraries' Special Bibliography Series was published in 1998 as mentioned in this paper, with the theme Africa and U.S. National Interest: The Importance of the Forgotten Continent.
Abstract: : The Directorate of Academy Libraries is pleased to present this 92nd issue of the Air Force Academy Libraries' Special Bibliography Series. It was prepared by Ms. Frances Scott of the Academic Library's Reference Branch. Most of the books in this highly selective bibliography were published in the last ten years; most of the journal articles, report literature, and government documents in the last five. All are available in the Academy's Academic Library. This bibliography was developed to support the 4Oth Air Force Academy Assembly sponsored by the Academy's Department of Political Science. The theme for the 1998 Assembly is: Africa and U.S. National Interest: The Importance of the Forgotten Continent. The Academy will welcome approximately 150 delegates, representing about 80 colleges and universities, to the Assembly on 17 - 21 February 1998.
63 citations
30 Jan 2013
TL;DR: A comprehensive review of the counterinsurgency literature reveals an emphasis on "how to win" in COIN, in addition to an overrepresentation of the same handful of case studies with little to offer in the way of concrete policy prescriptions regarding conflict resolution as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Negotiating with insurgents can be a perilous endeavor and talks do not always succeed in ending the conflict. A comprehensive review of the counterinsurgency (COIN, henceforth) literature reveals an emphasis on “how to win” in COIN, in addition to an overrepresentation of the same handful of case studies—Algeria, Malaya, Vietnam—with little to offer in the way of concrete policy prescriptions regarding conflict resolution. By examining four more recent insurgencies (Northern Ireland, Lebanon, Sri Lanka, and South Africa) and the operational and organizational capacities of each group, this dissertation identifies several factors related to an insurgent group’s likelihood of negotiating with the host-nation government, including sanctuary, financing, group composition, popular support, and a military stalemate. After completing a cross-case comparative analysis of the four groups, policy implications and recommendations are provided for the Afghan Taliban. This research relies on archived documents, books, journal articles, semi-structured interviews with subject matter experts, media accounts, and other open sources in order to outline specific conclusions and recommendations while also providing decision-makers with a foundation for related policy on how to approach negotiations with insurgents, both now and in the future.
46 citations
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose a 3.3-approximation algorithm for the 3.1-GHz bandit-16.3 GHz frequency bandit model, and
Abstract: 3
6 citations
Cites background from "Lessons of Struggle: South African ..."
...Mkhatshwa, a fanner BC activist, recounted, "the movement 'only reached the educated and sophisticated segment of the population" (cited in Marx, 1992, p. 59)....
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...The leaders subtle description of whites as historical oppressors who could be included in a post liberation South Africa was largely drowned out by the denunciations of whites as ascriptivcly distinct enemies ... (Marx, 1992, p, 65)....
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...As one youth activist commented in the late 1970s "BC was a foundation, a launching pad" for the revolution to come (cited in Marx, 1992, p. 103)....
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...All of us who were opposed to the tri-Cameral parliament were united ... " (Mohamed, cited in Marx 1992, p. 116)....
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...The "student" identity was supplanted with a criminal identity (Gerhart, 1978; Marx, 1992)....
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TL;DR: The authors distinguish between two sets of mechanisms: those that precipitate boundary change and those that constitute boundary change, i.e., encounter, imposition, borrowing, conversation, and incentive shift.
Abstract: Social boundaries separate us fromthem. Explaining the formation, transformation, activation, and suppression of social boundaries presents knotty problems. It helps to distinguish two sets of mechanisms: (1) those that precipitate boundary change and (2) those that constitute boundary change. Properly speaking, only the constitutive mechanisms produce the effects of boundary change as such. Precipitants of boundary change include encounter, imposition, borrowing, conversation, and incentive shift. Constitutive mechanisms include inscription–erasure, activation–deactivation, site transfer, and relocation. Effects of boundary change include attack–defense sequences. These mechanisms operate over a wide range of social phenomena.
276 citations
Book•
19 Dec 2005TL;DR: Taking Power as discussed by the authors analyzes the causes behind some three dozen revolutions in the Third World between 1910 and the present, and proposes a theory that integrates political, economic, and cultural factors that brought these revolutions about, and links structural theorizing with original ideas on culture and agency.
Abstract: Taking Power analyzes the causes behind some three dozen revolutions in the Third World between 1910 and the present. It advances a theory that seeks to integrate the political, economic, and cultural factors that brought these revolutions about, and links structural theorizing with original ideas on culture and agency. It attempts to explain why so few revolutions have succeeded, while so many have failed. The book is divided into chapters that treat particular sets of revolutions including the great social revolutions of Mexico 1910, China 1949, Cuba 1959, Iran 1979, and Nicaragua 1979, the anticolonial revolutions in Algeria, Vietnam, Angola, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe from the 1940s to the 1970s, and the failed revolutionary attempts in El Salvador, Peru, and elsewhere. It closes with speculation about the future of revolutions in an age of globalization, with special attention to Chiapas, the post-September 11 world, and the global justice movement.
157 citations
Book•
01 Sep 2010TL;DR: The authors argues that although the origins of these patterns lie in South Africa's past, in the effects apartheid had on voters' beliefs about race and destiny and the reputations parties forged during this period, the endurance of the census reflects the ruling party's ability to use the powers of office to prevent the opposition from evolving away from its apartheid-era party label.
Abstract: Post-apartheid South African elections have borne an unmistakable racial imprint: Africans vote for one set of parties, whites support a different set of parties, and, with few exceptions, there is no crossover voting between groups. These voting tendencies have solidified the dominance of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) over South African politics and turned South African elections into 'racial censuses'. This book explores the political sources of these outcomes. It argues that although the beginnings of these patterns lie in South Africa's past, in the effects apartheid had on voters' beliefs about race and destiny and the reputations parties forged during this period, the endurance of the census reflects the ruling party's ability to use the powers of office to prevent the opposition from evolving away from its apartheid-era party label. By keeping key opposition parties 'white', the ANC has rendered them powerless, solidifying its hold on power in spite of an increasingly restive and dissatisfied electorate.
120 citations
Book•
24 Oct 2011TL;DR: Wendy Pearlman as discussed by the authors showed that non-violent protest requires coordination and restraint, which only a cohesive movement can provide, and that factional competition generates new incentives for violence and authority structures are too weak to constrain escalation.
Abstract: Why do some national movements use violent protest and others nonviolent protest? Wendy Pearlman shows that much of the answer lies inside movements themselves. Nonviolent protest requires coordination and restraint, which only a cohesive movement can provide. When, by contrast, a movement is fragmented, factional competition generates new incentives for violence and authority structures are too weak to constrain escalation. Pearlman reveals these patterns across one hundred years in the Palestinian national movement, with comparisons to South Africa and Northern Ireland. To those who ask why there is no Palestinian Gandhi, Pearlman demonstrates that nonviolence is not simply a matter of leadership. Nor is violence attributable only to religion, emotions or stark instrumentality. Instead, a movement's organizational structure mediates the strategies that it employs. By taking readers on a journey from civil disobedience to suicide bombings, this book offers fresh insight into the dynamics of conflict and mobilization.
117 citations
98 citations