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Marriage and the Liberal Imagination

TL;DR: Macedo as discussed by the authors argued that sodomy, including homosexual sodomy is intrinsically non-marital and immoral, and pointed out that there is no sound argument for drawing moral distinctions between sodomitical acts of "devoted, loving, committed homosexual partners" and sexual acts of men and women in marriage.
Abstract: In an article marked by the intelligence and fairmindedness for which his work is widely-and rightly-admired, Stephen Macedo has argued against our view that sodomy, including homosexual sodomy, is intrinsically nonmarital and immoral. His goal is to show that "new natural law" theorists, such as Germain Grisez, John Finnis, and the two of us, have no sound argument for drawing moral distinctions-which would, in turn, provide a basis for legal distinctions (particularly in the area of marriage)­ between the sodomitical acts of "devoted, loving, committed homosexual partners" and the acts of genital union of men and women in marriage. We propose in this response to defend our view against Macedo's criticisms. We heartily commend Macedo's efforts to understand and accurately represent the view we defend. Nevertheless, we are not entirely happy with. his formulations of it. Neither Grisez, nor Finnis, nor either of us perceives the central moral wrongness of sodomitical and other nonmarital sex acts as consisting in their being "distractions from" genuine human goods. A more adequate, though unavoidably more complex, formulation of our position is the following: (1) Marriage, considered not as a mere legal convention, but, rather, as a two-in-one-flesh communion of persons that is consummated and actualized by sexual acts of the reproductive type, is an intrinsic (or, in our parlance, "basic") human good; as such, marriage provides a noninstrumental reason for spouses, whether or not they are capable of conceiving children in their acts of genital union, to perform such acts. (2) In choosing to perform nonmarital orgasmic acts, including sodomitical acts-irrespective of whether the persons performing such acts are of the same or opposite sexes (and even if those persons are validly married to each other)-persons necessarily treat their bodies and those of their sexual partners (if any) as means or instruments in ways that damage their personal (and interpersonal) integrity; thus, regard for the basic human good of integrity provides a conclusive moral reason not to engage in sodomitical and other nonmarital sex acts. Macedo attacks the claims we have formulated in (1) above by offering to show that whatever values can possibly be realized in the acts of genital union of sterile spouses can equally be realized by those spouses-or similarly committed couples, whether of the same sex or opposite sexes-in oral or anal sex acts. His challenge to proponents of the natural law position is to identify a valid reason for sterile married couples to engage in acts of genital union that is not, at the same time, a valid reason for such couples (or others, married to each other or not, fertile or infertile, "gay" or "straight") to engage in oral or anal sex if they prefer or desire it. In effect, Macedo denies that what we refer to as the "reproductive-type acts" of spouses can have the special value and moral significance we ascribe to them. He attempts to show that we hold a "double standard" in maintaining (a) that sodomitical acts cannot be marital; and (b) that penile-vaginal acts, even of spouses who know (or at least believe) themselves to be temporarily or permanently sterile, can be marital. Macedo also rejects the claims we have formulated in (2) above about the damage to personal (and interpersonal) integrity, and hence, the intrinsic immorality, of choosing to perform nonmarital orgasmic acts. He affirms, and claims that many people will find it "deeply unreasonable'' of us to deny, that pleasure (including sexual pleasure) is a good in itself and, as such, provides a basic reason for acting. Relatedly, he argues that there is something implausible about our claim that it is necessarily wrong for persons sometimes to use their bodies as mere instruments in the pursuit of pleasure and other extrinsic goals. He attempts to show, by way of a reductio ad absurdum, that the principle that we believe excludes sodomitical and other nonmarital sex acts as immoral would, on our argument, also exclude as immoral such obviously innocent pleasures as chewing sugarless gum, "which gives pleasure but has no nutritional value."

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01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: Eskridge as discussed by the authors presents a history of this rhetorical shif, tying it to die rise of a politics of preservadon by traditionalists seeking to counter gay people's politics of recognition.
Abstract: Arguments against equal rights for gay men, lesbians, bisexuals, and transgendered people have shifted from, "Those are bad people who do sinful, sick acts," to "A progay reform would promote homosexuality." Professor Eskridge's article presents a history of this rhetorical shif, tying it to die rise of a politics of preservadon by traditionalists seeking to counter gay people's politics of recognition. Eskridge also shows how modem antigay discourse has become sedimented, as arguments are layered on top of (but never displace) each other. Evaluating the various forms no promo homo arguments can take, he maintains that 11e most obvious versions are not plausible, and that the most plausible are not constitutionaL 77Tis archaeology of no promo homo discourse has interesting ramifications for constitutional theory and doctrine. Among then, as Eskridge condudes, is the way in which the channeling function of law not only changes group rhetoric, but also group identity, and helps the state "manage" polarizing culture clashes.

46 citations

Dissertation
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that social cohesion at the local level was a possibility for local-level communities during the colonial and founding periods of American history; whereas, when the colonies/States were grouped together as an aggregate union, they did not constitute a true unitary nation or single community of individuals.
Abstract: Thesis (Ph.D.)--Georgetown University, 2008.; Includes bibliographical references. Aside from the various minor issues, there are two major questions that are addressed in this dissertation: (1) Can socially cohesive community be attributed to the local and/or federal levels of the American system in the colonial and founding periods? (2) How has the political centralization of the twentieth century affected socially cohesive community and public policy for "sensitive" issues, which require such cohesion to become settled? The author attempts to answer these questions via articulating and defending the following thesis: Socially cohesive community (i.e., a mode of intrinsically valuable friendship community that can develop around shared thick-level values and that is often associated with political activity and local interaction) was a possibility for local-level communities during the colonial and founding periods of American history; whereas, when the colonies/States were grouped together as an aggregate union, they did not constitute a true nation or single community of individuals. Hence, such "union" lacked a common good (and, a fortiori, it lacked a thick-level common good necessary for social cohesion). Through the course of American history, the political system has been centralized or transformed from a federal system into a de facto unitary system, and this change has undermined the possibility of social cohesion at the local level. Since centralization trends have redistributed significant political power to the federal level, which is inherently non-cohesive, and away from the local level (i.e., a combination of a State and its localities), "sensitive" policy issues such as the abortion issue, which require socially cohesive community for "a settled" resolution, have become increasingly difficult to resolve. Moreover, significant centralization of the American system has resulted in damaging social cohesion at the local level. This has somewhat, but not irreparably, diminished the efficacy of transferring "sensitive" policy issues back to the local level in order to realize "settled" resolutions. Although much of the United States today seems to lack local-level communities with thick-level moral and theological/philosophical agreement and social cohesion, there are some possibilities for re-establishing this through both re-federalizing the United States and implementing private initiatives to establish local communities among those with the same moral-theology.

19 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The idea for a Federal Marriage Amendment (FMA) did not suddenly dawn upon Senate Republicans in the summer of 2004, when debate on the amendment began in earnest on the floor of the U.S. Senate as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The idea for a Federal Marriage Amendment (FMA) did not suddenly dawn upon Senate Republicans in the summer of 2004, when debate on the amendment began in earnest on the floor of the U.S. Senate. Despite the passage of the federal Defense of Marriage Act in 1996, conservatives have long worried about what they believe are the threats to traditional heterosexual marriage posed by the courts. Their fears peaked in 2003, when the courts struck twice: the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Lawrence v. Texas that state homosexual sodomy laws are unconstitutional, while the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts in Goodridge v. Department of Public Health ordered state officials to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples.

17 citations

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