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Nation-Building and Education

01 Aug 2021-The Economic Journal (Oxford Academic)-Vol. 131, Iss: 638, pp 2273-2303
TL;DR: In this article, the authors study and compare the effect of the transition from dictatorship to democracy in a model where the type of government and borders of the country are endogenous and find that the threat of democratisation provides the strongest incentive to homogenise.
Abstract: Democracies and dictatorships have different incentives when it comes to choosing how much and by what means to homogenise the population, i.e., ‘to build a nation’. We study and compare nation-building policies under the transition from dictatorship to democracy in a model where the type of government and borders of the country are endogenous. We find that the threat of democratisation provides the strongest incentive to homogenise. We focus upon a specific nation-building policy: mass primary education. We offer historical discussions of nation-building across time and space, and provide correlations for a large sample of countries over the 1925–2014 period.

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Citations
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Book
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a typology of nationalisms in industrial and agro-literature societies, and a discussion of the difficulties of true nationalism in industrial societies.
Abstract: Series Editor's Preface. Introduction by John Breuilly. Acknowledgements. 1. Definitions. State and nation. The nation. 2. Culture in Agrarian Society. Power and culture in the agro-literature society. The varieties of agrarian rulers. 3. Industrial Society. The society of perpetual growth. Social genetics. The age of universal high culture. 4. The Transition to an Age of Nationalism. A note on the weakness of nationalism. Wild and garden culture. 5. What is a Nation. The course of true nationalism never did run smooth. 6. Social Entropy and Equality in Industrial Society. Obstacles to entropy. Fissures and barriers. A diversity of focus. 7. A Typology of Nationalisms. The varieties of nationalist experience. Diaspora nationalism. 8. The Future of Nationalism. Industrial culture - one or many?. 9. Nationalism and Ideology. Who is for Nuremberg?. One nation, one state. 10. Conclusion. What is not being said. Summary. Select bibliography. Bilbliography of Ernest Gellner's writing: Ian Jarvie. Index

2,912 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Englebert's solution might not solve all of Africa's problems, but it should serve as a catalyst for further studies on both a local and a continental level, and also on the part of the World Bank, the IMF, and Western development agencies that design programs for African states as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: time, as sub-Saharan Africa is bogged down with too many crises, further exacerbated by the AIDS epidemic. While Englebert's solution might not solve all of Africa's problems, it should serve as a catalyst for further studies on both a local and a continental level, and also on the part of the World Bank, the IMF, and Western development agencies that design programs for African states. It is a must read for all Africans who seek a better continent, for students of African politics, decision-makers, and development specialists of all genres. Osaore Aideyan Claremont Graduate University Claremont, California

528 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the author traces how France underwent a veritable crisis of civilization in the early years of the French Republic as traditional attitudes and practices crumbled under the forces of modernization.
Abstract: France achieved national unity much later than is commonly supposed. For a hundred years and more after the Revolution, millions of peasants lived on as if in a timeless world, their existence little different from that of the generations before them. The author of this lively, often witty, and always provocative work traces how France underwent a veritable crisis of civilization in the early years of the French Republic as traditional attitudes and practices crumbled under the forces of modernization. Local roads and railways were the decisive factors, bringing hitherto remote and inaccessible regions into easy contact with markets and major centers of the modern world. The products of industry rendered many peasant skills useless, and the expanding school system taught not only the language of the dominant culture but its values as well, among them patriotism. By 1914, France had finally become La Patrie in fact as it had so long been in name.

301 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the extent of cultural and institutional heterogeneity within the European Union and how this changed between 1980 and 2009 was studied. But the authors did not identify the main stumbling block on the road to further political integration may not be fundamental cultural traits, but other cleavages, such as national identities.
Abstract: Employing a wide range of individual-level surveys, we study the extent of cultural and institutional heterogeneity within the European Union and how this changed between 1980 and 2009. We present several novel empirical regularities that paint a complex picture. Although Europe has experienced both systematic economic convergence and an increased coordination across national and subnational business cycles since 1980, this has not been accompanied by cultural or institutional convergence. Such persistent heterogeneity does not necessarily spell doom for further political integration, however. Compared with observed heterogeneity within EU member states themselves, or in well-functioning federations such as the United States, cultural diversity across EU members is of a similar order of magnitude. The main stumbling block on the road to further political integration may not be heterogeneity in fundamental cultural traits, but other cleavages, such as national identities.

74 citations


Cites background or methods from "Nation-Building and Education"

  • ...Figures 2.3.a and 5See for instance Frankel and Rose (1998), Kalemli-Ozcan et al. (2013), Gogas (2013), Backus, Kydland, Kehoe (1992)....

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  • ...5See for instance Frankel and Rose (1998), Kalemli-Ozcan et al. (2013), Gogas (2013), Backus, Kydland, Kehoe (1992)....

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  • ...Kalemli-Ozcan, Sebnem, Papaioannou, Elias and Peydrò, José Luis (2103) Financial Regulation, Financial Globalization, and the Synchronization of Economic Activity Authors, Journal of Finance: 20, May Koske, I., Wanner, I., Bitetti, R., and Barbiero, O. (2015)....

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  • ...Gopinath, G., Kalemli-Ozcan, S., Karabarbounis, L., and VillegasSanchez, C. (2015)....

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  • ...5See for instance Frankel and Rose (1998), Kalemli-Ozcan et al. (2013), Gogas (2013), Backus, Kydland, Kehoe (1992). 6Our result holds also using GDP data from Cambridge Econometrics....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that the welfare state is an outcome of modern mass (total) warfare and the total war economy requires the participation of all citizens, erasing the differences between the military and citizens.
Abstract: In this paper, we argue that the welfare state is an outcome of modern mass (total) warfare. The total war economy requires the participation of all citizens, erasing the differences between the military and citizens. Consequently, the war economy benefits from succoring the civilian population. The total war effect explains why a predatory state undertakes welfare programs, one of the contributions of the present paper. While the welfare state is closely related to total warfare, social welfare is not. Fraternal social welfare organizations in the United States predate the New Deal and the rise of welfare state. Similarly, the French welfare system was born as citizen welfare and not as state welfare. In fact, welfare programs were initiated in 1871 during the Paris Commune by workers under the name of la sociale and were recreated as self-managed citizen groups in 1945 before being displaced by government welfare programs. A second contribution of this paper is to explore the re-appropriation effect, or the way self-managed citizen welfare was transformed into a welfare state through a three-stage reform process manifesting itself in 1946, 1967 and 1996.

23 citations

References
More filters
Book
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: In this paper, Anderson examines the creation and global spread of the 'imagined communities' of nationality and explores the processes that created these communities: the territorialisation of religious faiths, the decline of antique kingship, the interaction between capitalism and print, the development of vernacular languages-of-state, and changing conceptions of time.
Abstract: What makes people love and die for nations, as well as hate and kill in their name? While many studies have been written on nationalist political movements, the sense of nationality - the personal and cultural feeling of belonging to the nation - has not received proportionate attention. In this widely acclaimed work, Benedict Anderson examines the creation and global spread of the 'imagined communities' of nationality. Anderson explores the processes that created these communities: the territorialisation of religious faiths, the decline of antique kingship, the interaction between capitalism and print, the development of vernacular languages-of-state, and changing conceptions of time. He shows how an originary nationalism born in the Americas was modularly adopted by popular movements in Europe, by the imperialist powers, and by the anti-imperialist resistances in Asia and Africa. This revised edition includes two new chapters, one of which discusses the complex role of the colonialist state's mindset in the development of Third World nationalism, while the other analyses the processes by which all over the world, nations came to imagine themselves as old.

25,018 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article showed that ethnic diversity helps explain cross-country differences in public policies and other economic indicators in Sub-Saharan Africa, and that high ethnic fragmentation explains a significant part of most of these characteristics.
Abstract: Explaining cross-country differences in growth rates requires not only an understanding of the link between growth and public policies, but also an understanding of why countries choose different public policies. This paper shows that ethnic diversity helps explain cross-country differences in public policies and other economic indicators. In the case of Sub-Saharan Africa, economic growth is associated with low schooling, political instability, underdeveloped financial systems, distorted foreign exchange markets, high government deficits, and insufficient infrastructure. Africa's high ethnic fragmentation explains a significant part of most of these characteristics.

5,648 citations


"Nation-Building and Education" refers background in this paper

  • ...More generally, colonizers of Africa did not make an effort to build cohesive nation states (Easterly and Levine, 1997; Herbst, 2000; Alesina, Easterly, and Matuszeski, 2011; Michalopoulos and Papaioannou, 2016)....

    [...]

Book
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a typology of nationalisms in industrial and agro-literature societies, and a discussion of the difficulties of true nationalism in industrial societies.
Abstract: Series Editor's Preface. Introduction by John Breuilly. Acknowledgements. 1. Definitions. State and nation. The nation. 2. Culture in Agrarian Society. Power and culture in the agro-literature society. The varieties of agrarian rulers. 3. Industrial Society. The society of perpetual growth. Social genetics. The age of universal high culture. 4. The Transition to an Age of Nationalism. A note on the weakness of nationalism. Wild and garden culture. 5. What is a Nation. The course of true nationalism never did run smooth. 6. Social Entropy and Equality in Industrial Society. Obstacles to entropy. Fissures and barriers. A diversity of focus. 7. A Typology of Nationalisms. The varieties of nationalist experience. Diaspora nationalism. 8. The Future of Nationalism. Industrial culture - one or many?. 9. Nationalism and Ideology. Who is for Nuremberg?. One nation, one state. 10. Conclusion. What is not being said. Summary. Select bibliography. Bilbliography of Ernest Gellner's writing: Ian Jarvie. Index

2,912 citations


"Nation-Building and Education" refers background in this paper

  • ...Gellner (1983) argues that agrarian societies have no need for a “nation” in the modern sense of the word. In contrast, an industrial society based upon markets (as opposed to a stratified agrarian society with local markets) needs better means of communication. Universal schooling serves an economic purpose as well, necessary for the development of an industrial society.(11) In other words, productivity would increase in an industrial society with more homogenization relative to an agrarian one. The timing of this theory is questionable. Smith (1998) and Green (1990) argue that education reforms were not implemented country by country in a way that is consistent with industrialization acting as a major driver of reforms....

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  • ...ruling elites made a point of distinguishing themselves from the masses, using language as a barrier (Gellner, 1983)....

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  • ...ruling elites made a point of distinguishing themselves from the masses, using language as a barrier (Gellner, 1983). Primary schooling was predominantly provided by the church and was not a public function (Katznelson and Weir, 1985). Weber (1979) writes that “Diversity had not bothered earlier centuries very much[...] But the Revolution had brought with it the concept of national unity as an integral and integrating ideal at all levels.” Schooling was one way to homogenize and, after the Revolution, schools became a key concern of elites. The Constitution of 1791 called for the establishment of free public instruction for all. A major role for schooling was to enforce a national language. The Convention (the legislative assembly from September 1792 to October 1795) decreed that in the Republic children should learn to “speak, read and write in the French language” and that “instruction should take place only in French.”The Jacobins insisted “The unity of the Republic demands the unity of speech.”(4) Weber (1979) notes that “Linguistic diversity had been irrelevant to administrative unity. But it became significant when it was perceived as a threat to political - that is, ideological - unity.” The first serious attempt to implement mass schooling was made in 1833 following a period of major rebellion (the “July Revolution”, 1830− 32). In France, as elsewhere in Europe, the emergence of state intervention in schooling was in no way a concession to the demands of the population; state-provided schooling was, at least into the last quarter of the 19th century, largely unpopular (Katznelson and Weir, 1985; Weber, 1979). What was perhaps the most intense period of schooling reform followed the establishment of the Third Republic in 1870. Hobsbawm (1990) describes this period as one in which the inevitability of a shift of power to the wider population became clear. Schooling was regarded as a key tool in moving the values and way of life of the population towards those of the elite. Weber (1979) highlights the chasm between the way of life and culture of the urban elite and that of the rural masses throughout much of the 19th century....

    [...]

  • ...ruling elites made a point of distinguishing themselves from the masses, using language as a barrier (Gellner, 1983). Primary schooling was predominantly provided by the church and was not a public function (Katznelson and Weir, 1985). Weber (1979) writes that “Diversity had not bothered earlier centuries very much[...] But the Revolution had brought with it the concept of national unity as an integral and integrating ideal at all levels.” Schooling was one way to homogenize and, after the Revolution, schools became a key concern of elites. The Constitution of 1791 called for the establishment of free public instruction for all. A major role for schooling was to enforce a national language. The Convention (the legislative assembly from September 1792 to October 1795) decreed that in the Republic children should learn to “speak, read and write in the French language” and that “instruction should take place only in French.”The Jacobins insisted “The unity of the Republic demands the unity of speech.”(4) Weber (1979) notes that “Linguistic diversity had been irrelevant to administrative unity....

    [...]

  • ...ruling elites made a point of distinguishing themselves from the masses, using language as a barrier (Gellner, 1983). Primary schooling was predominantly provided by the church and was not a public function (Katznelson and Weir, 1985). Weber (1979) writes that “Diversity had not bothered earlier centuries very much[...] But the Revolution had brought with it the concept of national unity as an integral and integrating ideal at all levels.” Schooling was one way to homogenize and, after the Revolution, schools became a key concern of elites. The Constitution of 1791 called for the establishment of free public instruction for all. A major role for schooling was to enforce a national language. The Convention (the legislative assembly from September 1792 to October 1795) decreed that in the Republic children should learn to “speak, read and write in the French language” and that “instruction should take place only in French.”The Jacobins insisted “The unity of the Republic demands the unity of speech.”(4) Weber (1979) notes that “Linguistic diversity had been irrelevant to administrative unity. But it became significant when it was perceived as a threat to political - that is, ideological - unity.” The first serious attempt to implement mass schooling was made in 1833 following a period of major rebellion (the “July Revolution”, 1830− 32). In France, as elsewhere in Europe, the emergence of state intervention in schooling was in no way a concession to the demands of the population; state-provided schooling was, at least into the last quarter of the 19th century, largely unpopular (Katznelson and Weir, 1985; Weber, 1979). What was perhaps the most intense period of schooling reform followed the establishment of the Third Republic in 1870. Hobsbawm (1990) describes this period as one in which the inevitability of a shift of power to the wider population became clear....

    [...]

Book
29 Jun 1990
TL;DR: The transformation of nationalism, 1870-1918, and the apogee of nationalism in the late twentieth century is discussed in this article, where the authors discuss the role of the government perspective in this process.
Abstract: Preface Introduction 1. The nation as novelty: from revolution to liberalism 2. Popular proto-nationalism 3. The government perspective 4. The transformation of nationalism, 1870-1918 5. The apogee of nationalism, 1918-1950 6. Nationalism in the late twentieth century.

2,235 citations


"Nation-Building and Education" refers background in this paper

  • ...According to Hobsbawm (1990) “states would use the increasingly powerful machinery for communicating with their inhabitants, above all the primary schools, to spread the image and heritage of the ‘nation’ and to inculcate attachment to it,” and that “the official or culture-language of rulers and…...

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  • ...Hobsbawm (1990) writes of this period, “it became increasingly manifest that the democratization, or at least the increasingly unlimited electoralization of politics, were unavoidable.”...

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  • ...Hobsbawm (1990) estimates that only 12-13% of the population spoke French at the time of the French Revolution....

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  • ...Hobsbawm (1990) describes this period as one in which the inevitability of a shift of power to the wider population became clear....

    [...]