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Dissertation

Nationalism in Japan’s contemporary foreign policy: a consideration of the cases of China, North Korea, and India

01 Feb 2013-
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explored how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse and explored how the two administrations both used nationalism but in the pursuit of contrasting policies: an uncompromising stance to China and a conciliatory approach toward North Korea under the Koizumi administration, a hardline attitude against North Korea and the rapprochement with China by Abe, accompanied by a friendship-policy toward India.
Abstract: Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. The methodology employs discourse analysis on five case studies. It will be explored how the two administrations both used nationalism but in the pursuit of contrasting policies: an uncompromising stance to China and a conciliatory approach toward North Korea under the Koizumi administration, a hard-line attitude against North Korea and the rapprochement with China by Abe, accompanied by a friendship-policy toward India. These case studies show how the nationalism is used in the competition between political leaders by articulating national identity in foreign policy. Whereas this often appears as a kind of assertiveness from outside China, in the domestic context leaders use nationalism to reconstruct Japan’s identity as a ‘peaceful nation’ through foreign policy by highlighting differences from ‘other’s or by achieving historic reconciliation. Such identity constructions are used to legitimize policy choices that are in themselves used to marginalize other policy options and political actors. In this way, nationalism is utilized as a kind of political capital in a domestic power relationship, as can be seen by Abe’s use of foreign policy to set an agenda of ‘departure from the postwar regime’. In a similar way, Koizumi’s unyielding stance against China was used to calm discontents among right-wing traditionalists who were opposed to his reconciliatory approach to Pyongyang. On the other hand, Abe also utilized a hard-line policy to the DPRK to offset his rapprochement with China whilst he sought to prevent the improved relationship from becoming a source of political capital for his rivals. The major insights of this thesis is thus to explain how Japan’s foreign policy is shaped by the attempts of its political leaders to manipulate nationalism so as articulating particular forms of national identity that enable them to achieve legitimacy for their policy agendas, boost domestic credentials and marginalize their political rivals.
Citations
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Book
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: The seeker after the truth is not one who studies the writings of the ancients and, following his natural disposition, puts his trust in them, but rather, one who suspects his faith in them and questions what he gathers from them, the one who submits to argument and demonstration, and not to the sayings of a human being whose nature is fraught with all kinds of imperfection and deformation as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Therefore, the seeker after the truth is not one who studies the writings of the ancients and, following his natural disposition, puts his trust in them, but rather the one who suspects his faith in them and questions what he gathers from them, the one who submits to argument and demonstration, and not to the sayings of a human being whose nature is fraught with all kinds of imperfection and de‹ciency. Thus the duty of the man who investigates the writings of scientists, if learning the truth is his goal, is to make himself the enemy of all that he reads, and, applying his mind to the core and margins of its content, attack it from every side. He should also suspect himself as he performs his critical examination of it, so that he may avoid falling into either prejudice or leniency. (Ibn al-Haytham)1

512 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Rise and Fall of Japan's LDP: Political Party Organizations as Historical Institutions by Ellis S. Krauss and RobERT J. PEKKANEN as discussed by the authors, 2010. 318 pp.
Abstract: ELLIS S. KRAUSS and ROBERT J. PEKKANEN. The Rise and Fall of Japan's LDP: Political Party Organizations as Historical Institutions . Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2010. 318 pp. US$26...

56 citations

References
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Book
01 Jan 2005
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a social constructionist approach to re-think Nationalism. But they focus on post-national futures and do not address the issues of racism and sexism.
Abstract: Introduction.- What is Nationalism?.- The Theory of Nationalism.- The Normative Claims of Nationalism.- Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Liberalism.- Nationalism and Globalization.- Rethinking Nationalism: A Social Constructionist Approach.- Conclusion: Postnational Futures.

101 citations


"Nationalism in Japan’s contemporary..." refers methods in this paper

  • ...This conceptualization relies on the argument of Finlayson (1998) and Özkirimli (2005) in which nationalism was treated as a particular kind of discourse so as to go beyond the conventional typologies of nationalisms....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors analyzes the degree of popular consensus about a nation's identity, core values, and mission as a source of social integration and a broad constraint on foreign policy making, and identifies cosmopolitan liberalism, nativism, and multiculturalism as three rival ideologies of American nationalism, comparing their main principles and competing approaches toward integrating a diverse society.
Abstract: This article analyzes the degree of popular consensus about a nation's identity, core values, and mission as a source of social integration and a broad constraint on foreign policy-making. It identifies cosmopolitan liberalism, nativism, and multiculturalism as three rival ideologies of American nationalism, comparing their main principles and competing approaches toward integrating a diverse society. The paper presents a synthesis of recent survey evidence to assess the relative degree of support for these competing conceptions of American identity. The relationship of these conceptions to the foreign policy orientations delineated in the Wittkopf-Holsti-Rosenau typology is examined to speculate about how shifts in American nationalism may shape the general direction of foreign policy in the future.

99 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 May 1996
TL;DR: Schlesinger and Derrida as discussed by the authors argue that the traditional realist approach has undermined the distinction between state, nation, and sovereignty, which permits questions of national identity and its relevance to sovereignty to be dismissed because they are presumed not to be problems.
Abstract: The historic idea of a unifying American identity is now in peril in many arenas – in our politics, our voluntary organizations, our churches, our language.… (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. 1992) Something unique is afoot in Europe, in what is still called Europe even if we no longer know very well what or who goes by this name. Indeed, to what concept, to what real individual, to what singular entity should this name be assigned today? Who will draw up its borders? (Jacques Derrida, 1992) These opening quotes suggest that scholars as diverse as Schlesinger and Derrida sense all is not well with sovereign national identities. They refer specifically to America and Europe, but the issue has much broader resonance. The names Europe and America could be replaced in these passages with Britain, Germany, France, and many other names given to nation-states, and still retain the sense of the two quotes. The instability of national identities recently has attracted attention in both academic and nonacademic circles. Within the mainstream of orthodox international relations, however, there is little interest in this topic. By conceptualizing the state as a given, unitary entity, the dominant realist approach has undermined the distinction between state, nation, and sovereignty. This permits questions of national identity and its relevance to sovereignty to be dismissed because they are presumed not to be problems. This is an increasingly unsatisfactory point of view.

98 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the effects of Japan's 1994 electoral reform on Japan's governing party, the LDP, have been investigated and a central theme is unpredicted organizational adaptation.
Abstract: This article traces the effects of Japan's 1994 electoral reform on Japan's governing party, the LDP. Factions have lost their central role in nominating candidates and deciding the party presidency but remain important in allocating party and Diet posts. Unexpectedly, koenkai have grown stronger because they perform new functions. PARC remains important but diminished by the enhanced policymaking role of party leaders in the coalition government. A central theme is unpredicted organizational adaptation—"embedded choice"—since 1994. We speculate on how this flexibility of the LDP, adapting old organizational forms to new incentives, its "discreet charm," may affect Japanese politics and the LDP's potential longevity in power.

92 citations

Book
01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: Rousseau as mentioned in this paper presents a model of identity formation that can explain when ideas will (and will not) have a decisive impact on threat perception, using a variety of social scientific methods of investigation ranging from laboratory experiments and public opinion surveys.
Abstract: How does a state determine if another state is an important military or economic threat? The issue of threat perception drives a wide variety of behaviors, from allegiance formation and defense spending to trade relations and regime membership. While liberal theorists and realists both agree that threat perception is a cornerstone of international relations, there is widespread disagreement on the factors that contribute to our fear of other states. In particular, the field is deeply divided between those who believe material factors such as the balance of military power determine the perception of threat and those who believe ideational factors such as shared democratic value determine the perception of threat. Using a variety of social scientific methods of investigation ranging from laboratory experiments and public opinion surveys to computer simulations and case studies, Rousseau challenges these conventional arguments and sheds new light on this debate. He presents a model of identity formation that can explain when ideas will (and will not) have a decisive impact on threat perception.

90 citations