Necessary Oppositions: Domestic Debates on Iran
TL;DR: For the longest part of the two decades since the end of the Cold War, there were mostly Indian perspectives, rather than debates, on Iran and bilateral relations as discussed by the authors, reaching a crescendo during this period and dissipating soon after.
Abstract: For the longest part of the two decades since the end of the Cold War, there were mostly Indian perspectives, rather than debates, on Iran and bilateral relations. Domestic debates on Iran began in 2005 and continued until mid-2008, reaching a crescendo during this period and dissipating soon after. The debates, when they took place, were not about influencing the government's Iran policy. Rather they were the necessary oppositions that emerged from specificities of India's domestic politics in which coalition compulsions, parliamentary democracy and ideological differences played their part.
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Dissertation•
12 Sep 2014
18 citations
TL;DR: In this article, India's willingness to transform its energy ties with Iran beyond purely commercial transactions coincided with its desire to negotiate a civil nuclear deal with the US, while maintaining the status quo has some economic and political advantages.
Abstract: Iran, being a major player in the hydrocarbon sector, is both an opportunity and a challenge for India. While Iran's hydrocarbons could partly address India's growing appetite for oil and natural gas and contribute to its energy security, its willingness to transform its energy ties with Iran beyond purely commercial transactions coincided with its desire to negotiate a civil nuclear deal with the US. Moreover some of the energy deals between the two countries are stuck over price disputes and technology difficulties, while others have come under international pressure and scrutiny. While international sanctions against Iran undermine India's ability to pursue its energy ties with Iran, maintaining the status quo has some economic and political advantages. Hence, India is not yet ready to abandon Iran for the US.
4 citations
23 May 2021
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined Iran's international relations in the period from "9/11" to the initial phase of the Iraq War (2004), and the ensuing period until Iran's new president Rouhani takes office in 2013.
Abstract: After having examined Iran’s international relations in the period from “9/11” to the initial phase of the Iraq War (–2004), this chapter deals with the ensuing period until Iran’s new president Rouhani takes office in 2013. On the one hand, by the mid-2000s, Iran emerged as the region’s indispensable power—as a combined result of the U.S. occupation “quagmires” in Iraq and Afghanistan, and of Iran’s successful regional policies relying on Offensive Realist prescripts—boosted by the political successes of its regional allies and the spike in oil prices leading to record revenues. At a time when Iranian hardliners had assumed supremacy domestically, the IRI turned out to be the victor of the U.S. neo-conservatives’ “regime change” operations. On the other, the “nuclear crisis” that emerged in 2002 put Iran increasingly at odds with Western powers, keeping the threat of war alive and subjected it to unprecedented international sanctions from the mid-2000s onwards.
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Book•
01 Jan 1981
19 citations
"Necessary Oppositions: Domestic Deb..." refers background in this paper
...Christine Fair, ‘The Tehran-New Delhi Axis’, The Atlantic Monthly, 292(1), July–August 2003, at http://www....
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...See her ‘Promoting the National Interest’, Foreign Affairs, 79(1), January–February 2000, p....
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the strategic rationale behind Indo-Iranian engagement and the constraints that still hamper this bilateral relationship from realizing its full potential, and propose a strategy to overcome these constraints.
Abstract: Bilateral relations between India and Iran have been on an upswing since the early 1990s, and the recent visit by the Iranian president to India has infused them with new momentum. This paper examines the strategic rationale behind Indo-Iranian engagement and the constraints that still hamper this bilateral relationship from realizing its full potential.
16 citations
15 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the convergence of their interests, the main areas being energy, Afghanistan, Central Asia and business, and make concious efforts to improve ties by keeping up high level contacts which was followed by very important visi...
Abstract: India and Iran have interacted with each other since time immemorial. During the post‐independence period, their relations passed through strains. During the 1950s, Indo‐Iranian relations remained cool because of Iran's alignment with the West and India's policy of non alignment. Their relations however started improving during the 1960s and 1970s, except during Ayatollah Khomeini's period. After the end of the Cold War, common security threat perceptions brought India and Iran closer. Iran was deeply concerned with the US ties with the Arab states, and unstable states to its north. As a result Iran wanted to promote regional ties. India's main security dilemmas arose from international pressures and regional rivalries. All this led to the convergence of their interests, the main areas being—energy, Afghanistan, Central Asia and business. As their interests coincide the two started making concious efforts to improve ties by keeping up high level contacts, which was followed by very important visi...
12 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: The defence agreement has a long way to go in terms of committing either India or the US to very dramatic or radical military cooperation as mentioned in this paper, and in respect of the nuclear part of the July joint statement, there was little choice for India at the very least because of the safety and economics of the country's nuclear programme.
Abstract: The new framework and the joint statement concluded with the US are very important moments for India?s foreign and security policy. India-US relations have been heading towards a greater engagement for many years and the recent agreements reflect a long-term process. However, the defence agreement has a long way to go in terms of committing either India or the US to very dramatic or radical military cooperation. In respect of the nuclear part of the July joint statement, there was little choice for India at the very least because of the safety and economics of the country?s nuclear programme.
4 citations
Additional excerpts
...John Cherian, ‘The Indian Volte-Face’, Frontline, 22(21), 8–21 October 2005, at http://www....
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