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Journal ArticleDOI

‘No, we don’t know where Tupac is’: critical intelligence studies and the CIA on social media

18 Mar 2021-Intelligence & National Security (Routledge)-Vol. 36, Iss: 4, pp 599-614
TL;DR: Since joining Twitter in 2014, the CIA has used social media to show an uncharacteristically humorous side to an institution more commonly associated with espionage and secrecy as discussed by the authors, which has been criticised by some.
Abstract: Since joining Twitter in 2014, the CIA has used social media to show an uncharacteristically humorous side to an institution more commonly associated with espionage and secrecy. In light of this re...
Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Simon Willmetts is a product of the Warwick school of intelligence studies and lectures at Hull University, and offers a framework to help us understand the relationship bet...
Abstract: Simon Willmetts is a product of the Warwick school of intelligence studies and lectures at Hull University. In the book under review he offers a framework to help us understand the relationship bet...

11 citations

01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors used pos-tional language style in public for informal posts and humor in public security and emergency authorities have traditionally used an official language in public, but currently social media have become an outlet for informal posting and humor.
Abstract: Security and emergency authorities have traditionally used an official language style in public, but currently social media have become an outlet for informal posts and humor. This article uses pos ...

7 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors used qualitative content analysis to understand how the International Criminal Court (ICC) uses Twitter by building on digital diplomacy literature to assess the different narratives promoted by the ICC online, finding that the ICC is actively creating narratives that position it as part of a unified global fight for justice with wide political support from states and other international organisations.
Abstract: This article uses qualitative content analysis to understand how the International Criminal Court (ICC) uses Twitter by building on digital diplomacy literature to assess the different narratives promoted by the ICC online. I find that the ICC is actively creating narratives that position it as part of a unified global fight for justice with wide political support from states and other international organisations. This kind of public diplomacy is unique among criminal courts, with tweets aimed at bolstering political support from both elite diplomats and non-elite lay publics. At the same time, however, this rebranding effort often oversteps the ICC’s limited jurisdiction, reducing complex legal topics to short, emotionally resonant phrases that fit within Twitter’s restricted format. While the Court still attempts to portray its work as politically neutral and objective, the diplomatic messaging of its Twitter account sends a different message about the Court’s social media agenda.

2 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors examine social media output from three of the largest arms manufacturers (by profit): Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, and Raytheon, all based in the United States, and find that Twitter content normalizes women within the company context, presents the companies as empowering and inspiring, and shows the companies to be places for individual women to succeed.
Abstract: ABSTRACT In this article, I examine social media output from three of the largest arms manufacturers (by profit): Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, and Raytheon, all based in the United States. I ask: how, if at all, are women represented? What do these representations do? To answer these questions, I examine all of the tweets sent by these manufacturers over a three-month period and find that the Twitter content (1) normalizes women within the company context, (2) presents the companies as empowering and inspiring, and (3) shows the companies to be places for individual women to succeed. Central to all of these representations is intersectionality, with the companies depicting women of color frequently, especially Black women. I argue that the social media output of arms manufacturers helps to “make possible” the arms trade by presenting these companies as neoliberal, multicultural feminist beacons of social progress, rendering ambivalent criticisms about the suffering inflicted by their products.

1 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined social media output from three of the largest arms manufacturers (by profit): Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, and Raytheon, all based in the United States, and found that the Twitter content normalized women within the company context, presented the companies as empowering and inspiring, and showed the companies to be places for individual women to succeed.
Abstract: In this article, I examine social media output from three of the largest arms manufacturers (by profit): Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, and Raytheon, all based in the United States. I ask: how, if at all, are women represented? What do these representations do? To answer these questions, I examine all of the tweets sent by these manufacturers over a three-month period and find that the Twitter content (1) normalizes women within the company context, (2) presents the companies as empowering and inspiring, and (3) shows the companies to be places for individual women to succeed. Central to all of these representations is intersectionality, with the companies depicting women of color frequently, especially Black women. I argue that the social media output of arms manufacturers helps to “make possible” the arms trade by presenting these companies as neoliberal, multicultural feminist beacons of social progress, rendering ambivalent criticisms about the suffering inflicted by their products.

1 citations

References
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Book
01 Sep 1992
TL;DR: The politics of theorizing identity as discussed by the authors has been studied extensively in the last few decades in the field of theory and theory of identity, especially in the context of foreign policy and identity.
Abstract: Preface A note about the revised edition Introduction 1. Provocations of our time 2. Rethinking foreign policy 3. Foreign policy and identity 4. Foreign policy and difference 5. Imagining America 6. Writing security 7. Rewriting security 8. The politics of theorizing identity Epilogue: The disciplinary politics of theorising identity

1,768 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Cohn and Cohn as mentioned in this paper analyzed the nature of nuclear strategic thinking, focusing on the role of a specialized language that they call "technostrategic" and found that it plays a central role in allowing defense intellectuals to think and act as they do.
Abstract: Author(s): Cohn, Carol | Abstract: This paper is the beginning of an analysis of the nature of nuclear strategic thinking; its emphasis is on the role of a specialized language that I call \"technostrategic.\" I have come to believe that this language both reflects and shapes the nature ofthe American nuclear strategic project; that it plays a central role in allowing defenseintellectuals to think and act as they do; and that all of us who are concerned about nuclear weaponry and nuclear war must give careful attention to the role of language we and others choose to use -- who it allows us to communicate with, and what it allows us to think as well as say.

958 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined three approaches to foreign policy analysis and the metatheoretical issues underlying each of them, and used the Discursive Practices Approach to analyze United States' counterinsurgency policy in the Philippines circa 1950.
Abstract: Much of the criticism directed at post-positivist international relations has called for more detailed exploration of its implications for specific areas of investigation. At the same time, the study of foreign policy has been largely unaffected by the critical insights offered by post-positivism. This paper attempts to bridge this gap by examining three approaches to foreign policy analysis and the metatheoretical issues underlying each of them. It is suggested that an approach informed by post-positivist insights can provide a useful alternative to traditional ways of studying foreign policy and can facilitate a more critical interpretation of foreign policy practices. The first two approaches, the Cognitive Decisionmaking Approach and the Social Performance Approach, were chosen as a way of differentiating and highlighting the ontological and theoretical issues that are relevant to understanding and situating the Discursive Practices Approach. After examining the three approaches, I use the Discursive Practices Approach to analyze United States' counterinsurgency policy in the Philippines circa 1950.

550 citations

Book
01 Jan 1999
TL;DR: The Cultural Cold War as mentioned in this paper is a well-known account of a basically unfamiliar story with a cast of many larger-than-life characters who played roles in the Cold War and contains a long cry of moral outrage over the fact that the CIA committed vast resources to a secret program of cultural propaganda in western Europe.
Abstract: If The Cultural Cold War had been published in the 1960s or 1970s, it most likely would have caused a sensation and been a best seller. It would have provoked anguished editorials in major Western newspapers and a barrage of “we-told-you-so” items in the communist-controlled media. Published at the turn of the century, however, the book is something of a curiosity. It contains a long cry of moral outrage over the fact that the CIA committed “vast resources to a secret program of cultural propaganda in western Europe.” At the same time, the author, an independent filmmaker and novelist, has produced a well-written account of a basically unfamiliar story with a cast of many larger-than-life characters who played roles in the Cold War. 2 1

451 citations

Book
01 Dec 1993
TL;DR: Hard Bodies as mentioned in this paper is a real page-turner in which Susan Jeffords reveals how in the 1980s Ronald Reagan, Rambo, and Robocop came together at our own fitness clubs in a way that transformed crucial numbers of movie-going, Nautilus-devoted American white men into anti-Communist presidential voters.
Abstract: "An important and original book with dazzling insights ...it challenges some widely held views of both the political and cinematic components of contemporary America, and it should certainly evoke a goodly share of indignation as well as admiration."--H. Bruce Franklin, author of MIA or Mythmaking in America "Hard Bodies is a real page-turner in which Susan Jeffords reveals how in the 1980s Ronald Reagan, Rambo, and Robocop came together at our own fitness clubs in a way that transformed crucial numbers of movie-going, Nautilus-devoted American white men into anti-Communist presidential voters. This serious book is sure to change how we make sense of Hollywood's gendered maintenance of the Cold War."--Cynthia Enloe, author of The Morning After: Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War Hard Bodies looks at some of the most popular films of the Reagan era and examines how the characters, themes, and stories presented in them often helped to reinforce and disseminate the policies, programs, and beliefs of the "Reagan Revolution." In particular, because Ronald Reagan was himself most often portrayed in terms that emphasized his strength, toughness, and assertiveness, one of the key images of the Reagan era was that of masculinity itself. But the Reagan era also promoted a concept of the nation as gendered, strong, tough, and assertive, like the President who seemed to epitomize the United States in its confrontation with the "evil" Soviet empire, the Sandinista government, or the drug-trading cartels. Action-adventure films of the 1980s accentuated these qualities, not only as foreign policy methods but also as domestic agendas, putting forward the American "hard body" as the solution to the nation's foreign and domestic failings. Through her illuminating and detailed analyses of both the Reagan presidency and many blockbuster movies, Susan Jeffords provides a scenario within which the successes of the New Right and the Reagan presidency can begin to be understood. Rambo, Lethal Weapon, Die Hard, Robocop, Back to the Future, Star Wars, the Indiana Jones series, Mississippi Burning, Rain Man, Batman, and Unforgiven are among the films she discusses. Susan Jeffords is a professor of English and director of Women's Studies at the University of Washington. She is the author of The Remasculization of America: Gender and the Vietnam War, and co-editor of Seeing Through the Media: The Persian Gulf War (Rutgers University Press).

423 citations