O colapso e a reconstrução: uma análise do discurso sobre Estados falidos e reconstrução de Estados
23 Aug 2012-
About: The article was published on 2012-08-23 and is currently open access. It has received 7 citations till now.
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01 Jan 1995
Abstract: Winner of the Modern Language Association's Katherine Singer Kovacs Prize."The Darker Side of the Renaissance "weaves together literature, semiotics, history, historiography, cartography, geography, and cultural theory to examine the role of language in the colonization of the New World.Walter D. Mignolo locates the privileging of European forms of literacy at the heart of New World colonization. He examines how alphabetic writing is linked with the exercise of power, what role "the book" has played in colonial relations, and the many connections between writing, social organization, and political control. It has long been acknowledged that Amerindians were at a disadvantage in facing European invaders because native cultures did not employ the same kind of texts (hence "knowledge") that were validated by the Europeans. Yet no study until this one has so thoroughly analyzed either the process or the implications of conquest and destruction through sign systems.Starting with the contrasts between Amerindian and European writing systems, Mignolo moves through such topics as the development of Spanish grammar, the different understandings of the book as object and text, principles of genre in history-writing, and an analysis of linguistic descriptions and mapping techniques in relation to the construction of territoriality and understandings of cultural space."The Darker Side of the Renaissance" will significantly challenge commonplace understandings of New World history. More importantly, it will continue to stimulate and provide models for new colonial and post-colonial scholarship.." . . a contribution to Renaissance studies of the first order. The field will have to reckon with it for years to come, for it will unquestionably become the point of departure for discussion not only on the foundations and achievements of the Renaissance but also on the effects and influences on colonized cultures." -- "Journal of Hispanic/ Latino Theology"Walter D. Mignolo is Professor in the Department of Romance Studies and the Program in Literature, Duke University.
619 citations
Book•
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: The seeker after the truth is not one who studies the writings of the ancients and, following his natural disposition, puts his trust in them, but rather, one who suspects his faith in them and questions what he gathers from them, the one who submits to argument and demonstration, and not to the sayings of a human being whose nature is fraught with all kinds of imperfection and deformation as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Therefore, the seeker after the truth is not one who studies the writings of the ancients and, following his natural disposition, puts his trust in them, but rather the one who suspects his faith in them and questions what he gathers from them, the one who submits to argument and demonstration, and not to the sayings of a human being whose nature is fraught with all kinds of imperfection and de‹ciency. Thus the duty of the man who investigates the writings of scientists, if learning the truth is his goal, is to make himself the enemy of all that he reads, and, applying his mind to the core and margins of its content, attack it from every side. He should also suspect himself as he performs his critical examination of it, so that he may avoid falling into either prejudice or leniency. (Ibn al-Haytham)1
512 citations
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Fukuyama's seminal work "The End of History and the Last Man" as discussed by the authors was the first book to offer a picture of what the new century would look like, outlining the challenges and problems to face modern liberal democracies, and speculated what was going to come next.
Abstract: 20th anniversary edition of "The End of History and the Last Man", a landmark of political philosophy by Francis Fukuyama, author of "The Origins of Political Order". With the fall of Berlin Wall in 1989 the threat of the Cold War which had dominated the second half of the twentieth century vanished. And with it the West looked to the future with optimism but renewed uncertainty. "The End of History and the Last Man" was the first book to offer a picture of what the new century would look like. Boldly outlining the challenges and problems to face modern liberal democracies, Frances Fukuyama examined what had just happened and then speculated what was going to come next. Tackling religious fundamentalism, politics, scientific progress, ethical codes and war, "The End of History and the Last Man" remains a compelling work to this day, provoking argument and debate among its readers. "Awesome ...a landmark ...profoundly realistic and important ...supremely timely and cogent ...the first book to fully fathom the depth and range of the changes now sweeping through the world." (George Gilder, "The Washington"). Post Francis Fukuyama was born in Chicago in 1952. His work includes "America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy" and "After the Neo Cons: Where the Right went Wrong". He now lives in Washington D.C. with his wife and children, where he also works as a part time photographer.
235 citations
01 Aug 1996
TL;DR: State-creation in the former colonial areas, and to a different degree in some of the former Soviet republics since 1991, has taken patterns and trajectories significantly different from those of Europe since the fifteenth century.
Abstract: State-creation in the former colonial areas, and to a different degree in some of the former Soviet republics since 1991, has taken patterns and trajectories significantly different from those of Europe since the fifteenth century. In the latter, there was a lengthy historical project to give political meaning to the geographical expressions called France, Germany, Sweden, and the like. The consequence of wars, centralization, taxes, and the provision of services was to create a form of political organization called the state. The original purposes of colonialism, in contrast, never included state-making. European overseas conquests after the fifteenth century had nothing in common with the state-consolidation projects of Louis XIV, Peter the Great, Frederick the Great, or Bismarck. Imperialism was driven by a variety of purposes: trade, slavery, exploitation of resources, “civilizing” the barbarians, religious conversion to Christianity, ending the Arab slave trade (late nineteenth century), securing strategic territories, and emulation: if the British were expanding in Africa, the Germans had to do the same in order to maintain their status as a great power. Colonialism was as much a product of European external rivalries as of domestic imperatives. Conspicuously absent from this non-exhaustive list of the purposes of colonialism is any state-making project. Whether the colonialism of the fifteenth through eighteenth centuries, or its late nineteenth-century counterpart, the colonial leaders, encompassing the military, government officials, colonial societies, political parties, and the churches, never assumed that some day the subjugated peoples should or could create a state form of political organization.
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References
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01 Jan 2003
8 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In this article, a nocao de democracia radical desenvolvida pelos filosofos politicos Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe is analyzed in quatro sessoes: a primeira sessao, analisado e examinado, a partir das logicas da construcao do discurso, os autores chegam, inspirados em Gramsci, ao conceito de hegemonia.
Abstract: O proposito do presente artigo e o de analisar a nocao de democracia radical desenvolvida pelos filosofos politicos Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe. O artigo esta dividido em quatro sessoes: na primeira sessao e analisado o conceito de discurso como pratica articulatoria em oposicao a nocao de mediacao; na segunda sessao sao discutidas as logicas da equivalencia e da diferenca como as logicas fundamentais da construcao do discurso; na terceira sessao e examinado como, a partir das logicas da construcao do discurso, os autores chegam, inspirados em Gramsci, ao conceito de hegemonia; finalmente na quarta sessao e analisada a nocao de democracia radical como uma construcao discursiva cujo universal se constitui como significante vazio.
6 citations
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Statebuilding, the development of international regulatory mechanisms aimed at addressing cases of intra-state conflict and state collapse, or at shoring up failing states, is commonly held to be the most pressing problem of global security, on ethical, humanitarian, and, in the wake of 9/11, realist security grounds.
Abstract: Statebuilding, the development of international regulatory mechanisms aimed at addressing cases of intra-state conflict and state ‘collapse’, or at shoring up ‘failing states’, is commonly held to be the most pressing problem of global security, on ethical, humanitarian, and, in the wake of 9/11, realist security grounds. It is not unusual for leading commentators to argue that ‘statebuilding is one of the most important issues for the world community’ and to note that the issue has rapidly ‘risen to the top of the global agenda’ (Fukuyama, 2004: ix–xi). As the 2002 US National Security Strategy stated, ‘America is now threatened less by conquering states than we are by failing ones’ (US Government, 2002: section 1). It seems that no international policy or strategy document is complete without the focus on statebuilding as a key objective. Since the 1990s, the United States, the UK and other major Western governments have established new statebuilding departments and policy units, while international institutions, from the UN down to more specialised international bodies engaged in economic development, democracy or human rights promotion, have seen statebuilding as a key policy focus. International aid is increasingly channelled directly into strengthening governing capacity rather than used to support discrete projects concerned with sectoral improvements in areas such as health and social welfare, economic sustainability or security reforms; more than a quarter of bilateral aid to Africa, for example, is channelled directly into state capacity-building (Commission for Africa, 2005: 136).
5 citations
Journal Article•
3 citations