One dimensional man
About: This article is published in Philosophical Books.The article was published on 1965-05-01. It has received 2842 citations till now.
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TL;DR: The demarcation of science from other intellectual activities is an analytic problem for philosophers and sociologists and is examined as a practical problem for scientists in this article, where a set of characteristics available for ideological attribution to science reflect ambivalences or strains within the institution: science can be made to look empirical or theoretical, pure or applied.
Abstract: The demarcation of science from other intellectual activities-long an analytic problem for philosophers and sociologists-is here examined as a practical problem for scientists. Construction of a boundary between science and varieties of non-science is useful for scientists' pursuit of professional goals: acquisition of intellectual authority and career opportunities; denial of these resources to "pseudoscientists"; and protection of the autonomy of scientific research from political interference. "Boundary-work" describes an ideological style found in scientists' attempts to create a public image for science by contrasting it favorably to non-scientific intellectual or technical activities. Alternative sets of characteristics available for ideological attribution to science reflect ambivalences or strains within the institution: science can be made to look empirical or theoretical, pure or applied. However, selection of one or another description depends on which characteristics best achieve the demarcation in a way that justifies scientists' claims to authority or resources. Thus, "science" is no single thing: its boundaries are drawn and redrawn inflexible, historically changing and sometimes ambiguous ways.
3,402 citations
Cites background from "One dimensional man"
...Still others define science as an ideology itself (Marcuse, 1964); for Habermas (1970:115) the form of scientific knowledge embodies its own values of prediction and control, and thus may substitute for "the demolished bourgeois ideology" in legitimating structures of domination and repression....
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TL;DR: In this paper, a review of the corporate social reporting literature, its major theoretical preoccupations and empirical conclusions, attempts to re-examine the theoretical tensions that exist between “classical” political economy interpretations of social disclosure and those from more “bourgeois” perspectives.
Abstract: Takes as its departure point the criticism of Guthrie and Parker by Arnold and the Tinker et al. critique of Gray et al. Following an extensive review of the corporate social reporting literature, its major theoretical preoccupations and empirical conclusions, attempts to re‐examine the theoretical tensions that exist between “classical” political economy interpretations of social disclosure and those from more “bourgeois” perspectives. Argues that political economy, legitimacy theory and stakeholder theory need not be competitor theories but may, if analysed appropriately, be seen as alternative and mutually enriching theories from alternative levels of resolution. Offers evidence from 13 years of social disclosure by UK companies and attempts to interpret this from different levels of resolution. There is little doubt that social disclosure practice has changed dramatically in the period. The theoretical perspectives prove to offer different, but mutually enhancing, interpretations of these phenomena.
2,923 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined accounts of travelers in terms of Erving Goffman's front versus back distinction and found that tourists try to enter back regions of the places they visit because these regions are associated with intimacy of relations and authenticity of experiences.
Abstract: The problem of false consciousness and its relationship to the social structure of tourist establishments is analyzed. Accounts of travelers are examined in terms of Erving Goffman's front versus back distinction. It is found that tourists try to enter back regions of the places they visit because these regions are associated with intimacy of relations and authenticity of experiences. It is also found that tourist settings are arrenged to produce the impression that a back region has been entered even when this is not the case. In tourist settings, between the front and the back there is a series of special spaces designed to accommodate tourists and to support their beliefs in the authenticity of their experiences. Goffman's front-back dichotomy is shown to be ideal poles of a continuum, or a variable.
2,627 citations
Cites background from "One dimensional man"
...David Riesman's "other directed" (1950) and Herbert Marcuse's "one-dimensional" men (1964) are products of a traditional intellectual concern for the superficiality of knowledge in mass industrial society, but the tourist setting per se is just beginning to prompt intellectual commentary....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors trace the rise of the modern cultural engineering paradigm of branding, premised upon a consumer culture that granted marketers cultural authority, and describe the current post-postmodern consumer culture, which is premised on the pursuit of personal sovereignty through brands.
Abstract: Brands are today under attack by an emerging countercultural movement. This study builds a dialectical theory of consumer culture and branding that explains the rise of this movement and its potential effects. Results of an interpretive study challenge existing theories of consumer resistance. To develop an alternative model, I first trace the rise of the modern cultural engineering paradigm of branding, premised upon a consumer culture that granted marketers cultural authority. Intrinsic contradictions erased its efficacy. Next I describe the current postmodern consumer culture, which is premised upon the pursuit of personal sovereignty through brands. I detail five postmodern branding techniques that are premised upon the principle that brands are authentic cultural resources. Postmodern branding is now giving rise to new contradictions that have inflamed the antibranding sentiment sweeping Western countries. I detail these contradictions and project that they will give rise to a new post-postmodern branding paradigm premised upon brands as citizen-artists.
1,797 citations
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29 Jul 1983TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a list of states that are essentially by-products of rationality, bias, and ideology, including sour grapes, as well as byproducts of belief, bias and ideology.
Abstract: Preface and acknowledgements 1. Rationality 2. States that are essentially by-products 3. Sour grapes 4. Belief, bias and ideology References Index.
1,221 citations
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TL;DR: The authors argue that histories of the Green Revolution are often underpinned by commitments to theoretical models of technology and science in ways which shape the parameters of such narratives, and they argue that the history of the green revolution can be traced to such commitments.
Abstract: This paper argues that histories of the Green Revolution are often underpinned by commitments to theoretical models of technology and science in ways which shape the parameters of such narratives i...
3 citations
TL;DR: Tory Modernisation 2.0 as discussed by the authors is a blueprint for the second stage of the public sector reform produced by the Conservative pressure group, Bright Blue, which advocates an acceleration of marketisation which is both potentially destructive and irreversible.
Abstract: The modernisation of education and other public services remains a major political objective of the current Coalition government in the UK. This paper focuses on Tory Modernisation 2.0, a blueprint for the second stage of the public sector reform produced by the Conservative pressure group, Bright Blue. From the critical theory perspective expounded by Herbert Marcuse, the Conservative vision of the ‘Big Society’ is a one-dimensional conceptualisation of social relations. In the guise of pragmatic, sensible prescriptions for how the institutions of society should be reformed, Tory Modernisation 2.0 advocates an acceleration of marketisation, which is both potentially destructive and irreversible. Against the backdrop of a bleak, one-dimensional society promoted by the Conservative Party, education has become a site of struggle between what Marcuse terms the dialectic of domination and the ‘Great Refusal’.
3 citations
06 Jul 2019
TL;DR: The 35th European Group for Organizational Studies (EGOS) will be held in Edinburgh, Scotland, 4-6 July 2019 as mentioned in this paper, from 4 to 6 July 2019.
Abstract: The 35th European Group for Organizational Studies (EGOS), Edinburgh, Scotland, 4-6 July 2019
3 citations
TL;DR: Brand as mentioned in this paper argues that within such a depressingly acquiescent environment, comedic excess can serve a valuably uplifting corrective and countervailing role, in terms of the advertising slogan for Heineken beer, it can still refresh the parts that other forms of political analysis no longer reach.
Abstract: ZIZEK's BRAND OF EXCESS AND LA TRAHISON DES CLERCS No one who has tried to work in cultural studies from a perspective which is even conscious of the global hegemony of neo-liberalism and its social consequences can fail to be dismayed by the atmosphere of complete disengagement which seems to infuse so much "cultural studies" and related areas of thought ... (Bowman and Stamp 77) I heard recently Oliver Cromwell's address to the rump parliament in 1653 (online, I'm not a Time Lord) where he bawls out the whole of the House of Commons as "whores, virtueless horses and money-grabbing dicklickers." I added the last one but, honestly, that is the vibe. I was getting close to admiring old Oliver for his "calls it as he sees it, balls-out" rhetoric till I read about him on Wikipedia and learned that beyond this brilliant 8 Mile-style takedown of corrupt politicians he was a right arsehole; starving and murdering the Irish and generally (and surprisingly for a Roundhead) being a total square. The fact remains that if you were to recite his speech in parliament today you'd be hard pushed to find someone who could be legitimately offended. (Brand) Through his inimitable use of philosophical excess in the form of frequently offensive examples and dirty jokes, the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Zizek has risen to either academic celebrity status or notoriety depending upon one's personal taste. The briefest survey of his work reveals serious philosophical points conveyed through jocular descriptions of sphincters, interracial threesomes, and the Hegelian nature of shit. This paper uses the specific case of Zizek and his use of filthy humour to explore wider questions about the viability of excess as a compensatory strategy for today's version of la trahison des clercs--the intellectual pusillanimity and lack of engagement with the social and cultural consequences of neoliberal ideology, a problem recognised above by even one of Zizek's fiercest critics. This lack of engagement has produced an intellectual climate in which the most basic critical concepts have become decaffeinated. Ironically, this is not because critical theory's insights have proved inaccurate, but rather the opposite. "Pragmatic" accommodations by academics with capitalist realpolitik have plumbed such quotidian depths that familiarity has bred, not contempt, but consent. For example, instead of constituting a cautionary concept, Adorno and Horkheimer's deliberate oxymoron "the culture industry" has become smoothly co-opted into such new capitalism-acquiescent fields of study as "creative and cultural industries," and in today's UK university sector, scholars scrabble indecorously to prove to funding councils the "real world" and commercial "impact" of their work. This paper argues that within such a depressingly acquiescent environment, comedic excess can serve a valuably uplifting corrective and countervailing role--in terms of the advertising slogan for Heineken beer, it can still refresh the parts that other forms of political analysis no longer reach. The second quotation above comes from a guest editorial by the comedian Russell Brand for the British political magazine, The New Statesman. Whilst calling for a revolution in the way we think about our current political situation, Brand does so in a manner that shares Zizek's strategic use of ribald humour's excess as an ideological tool with which to critique the contemporary mediascape. Shortly before the publication of his article, Brand appeared on a BBC flagship news programme Newsnight questioned by the doyen of aggressive British TV political interviewing, Jeremy Paxman. By the end of the interview, due to a combination of Brand's strength of feeling, the radical nature of his views and the paradoxically earnest nature of his defence of the right to be facetious, Paxman (despite being widely referred to in the press as a "Rottweiler") appears to be visibly chastened and the video of the encounter went viral (Paxman). …
3 citations
TL;DR: The authors compare and contrast two editions of Ebony Magazine, one printed in the United States and another in South Africa, and compare the two editions in terms of content, content, and content.
Abstract: The authors compare and contrast two editions of Ebony Magazine, one printed in the United States and another in South Africa.
3 citations