One dimensional man
About: This article is published in Philosophical Books.The article was published on 1965-05-01. It has received 2842 citations till now.
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TL;DR: The demarcation of science from other intellectual activities is an analytic problem for philosophers and sociologists and is examined as a practical problem for scientists in this article, where a set of characteristics available for ideological attribution to science reflect ambivalences or strains within the institution: science can be made to look empirical or theoretical, pure or applied.
Abstract: The demarcation of science from other intellectual activities-long an analytic problem for philosophers and sociologists-is here examined as a practical problem for scientists. Construction of a boundary between science and varieties of non-science is useful for scientists' pursuit of professional goals: acquisition of intellectual authority and career opportunities; denial of these resources to "pseudoscientists"; and protection of the autonomy of scientific research from political interference. "Boundary-work" describes an ideological style found in scientists' attempts to create a public image for science by contrasting it favorably to non-scientific intellectual or technical activities. Alternative sets of characteristics available for ideological attribution to science reflect ambivalences or strains within the institution: science can be made to look empirical or theoretical, pure or applied. However, selection of one or another description depends on which characteristics best achieve the demarcation in a way that justifies scientists' claims to authority or resources. Thus, "science" is no single thing: its boundaries are drawn and redrawn inflexible, historically changing and sometimes ambiguous ways.
3,402 citations
Cites background from "One dimensional man"
...Still others define science as an ideology itself (Marcuse, 1964); for Habermas (1970:115) the form of scientific knowledge embodies its own values of prediction and control, and thus may substitute for "the demolished bourgeois ideology" in legitimating structures of domination and repression....
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TL;DR: In this paper, a review of the corporate social reporting literature, its major theoretical preoccupations and empirical conclusions, attempts to re-examine the theoretical tensions that exist between “classical” political economy interpretations of social disclosure and those from more “bourgeois” perspectives.
Abstract: Takes as its departure point the criticism of Guthrie and Parker by Arnold and the Tinker et al. critique of Gray et al. Following an extensive review of the corporate social reporting literature, its major theoretical preoccupations and empirical conclusions, attempts to re‐examine the theoretical tensions that exist between “classical” political economy interpretations of social disclosure and those from more “bourgeois” perspectives. Argues that political economy, legitimacy theory and stakeholder theory need not be competitor theories but may, if analysed appropriately, be seen as alternative and mutually enriching theories from alternative levels of resolution. Offers evidence from 13 years of social disclosure by UK companies and attempts to interpret this from different levels of resolution. There is little doubt that social disclosure practice has changed dramatically in the period. The theoretical perspectives prove to offer different, but mutually enhancing, interpretations of these phenomena.
2,923 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined accounts of travelers in terms of Erving Goffman's front versus back distinction and found that tourists try to enter back regions of the places they visit because these regions are associated with intimacy of relations and authenticity of experiences.
Abstract: The problem of false consciousness and its relationship to the social structure of tourist establishments is analyzed. Accounts of travelers are examined in terms of Erving Goffman's front versus back distinction. It is found that tourists try to enter back regions of the places they visit because these regions are associated with intimacy of relations and authenticity of experiences. It is also found that tourist settings are arrenged to produce the impression that a back region has been entered even when this is not the case. In tourist settings, between the front and the back there is a series of special spaces designed to accommodate tourists and to support their beliefs in the authenticity of their experiences. Goffman's front-back dichotomy is shown to be ideal poles of a continuum, or a variable.
2,627 citations
Cites background from "One dimensional man"
...David Riesman's "other directed" (1950) and Herbert Marcuse's "one-dimensional" men (1964) are products of a traditional intellectual concern for the superficiality of knowledge in mass industrial society, but the tourist setting per se is just beginning to prompt intellectual commentary....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors trace the rise of the modern cultural engineering paradigm of branding, premised upon a consumer culture that granted marketers cultural authority, and describe the current post-postmodern consumer culture, which is premised on the pursuit of personal sovereignty through brands.
Abstract: Brands are today under attack by an emerging countercultural movement. This study builds a dialectical theory of consumer culture and branding that explains the rise of this movement and its potential effects. Results of an interpretive study challenge existing theories of consumer resistance. To develop an alternative model, I first trace the rise of the modern cultural engineering paradigm of branding, premised upon a consumer culture that granted marketers cultural authority. Intrinsic contradictions erased its efficacy. Next I describe the current postmodern consumer culture, which is premised upon the pursuit of personal sovereignty through brands. I detail five postmodern branding techniques that are premised upon the principle that brands are authentic cultural resources. Postmodern branding is now giving rise to new contradictions that have inflamed the antibranding sentiment sweeping Western countries. I detail these contradictions and project that they will give rise to a new post-postmodern branding paradigm premised upon brands as citizen-artists.
1,797 citations
Book•
29 Jul 1983TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a list of states that are essentially by-products of rationality, bias, and ideology, including sour grapes, as well as byproducts of belief, bias and ideology.
Abstract: Preface and acknowledgements 1. Rationality 2. States that are essentially by-products 3. Sour grapes 4. Belief, bias and ideology References Index.
1,221 citations
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TL;DR: Bonefeld's critical theory and the critique of political economy as mentioned in this paper is a classic example of critical and political theory in the literature, and it can be seen as a critical precursor of our work.
Abstract: Werner Bonefeld Critical Theory and the Critique of Political Economy: On Subversion and Negative Reason, Bloomsbury: London, 2014; 246pp: 9781441161390, 63 [pounds sterling] (hbk) In the tradition of the best critical and Marxist theory, this brilliant, vital book encompasses and challenges everything. Marx and Adorno are present not only theoretically, as implied in the book's title, but also stylistically. The experience of reading Bonefeld's prose is a rare one, outside these earlier paragons. It is audacious, breathtaking and exciting in a way unmatched in most academic' writing. The book offers valuable resources for thinking and acting within, against and beyond capital. But it is from the contemporary relevancy of its critical targets that the book derives urgency. Nationalist 'hardworking families' rhetoric. Left anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism. Idiotic conspiracy theories and morbid fascination with 'greedy bankers'. Leftish support for religious fascists and misguided anti-imperialism. Leninism. Keynesianism. Calls for state regulation against 'neoliberalism'. A whole litany of dead-ends and misdeeds face Bonefeld's withering critique. A veritable who's who of the UK left would profit from a copy, gratis. But of paramount Marxological significance is Bonefeld's critique of the new reading of Marx (henceforth 'NRM'), otherwise known as the Neue Marx-Lekture (see Bellofiore & Riva 2015 for a recent summary--here, I use Bonefeld's own terminology throughout). It is this that I will focus on in this review, as well as the political implications that follow. The aim of the book is to present the 'critique of political economy as a critical social theory' (Bonefeld 2014: 3). The critique centres upon economic objectivity and the political form of capitalist society. It exposes their imbrication in the relationship of class antagonism upon which capitalism rests. In the introduction to Part 1, Bonefeld outlines his conceptualisation of the critique of political economy. Chapter 2 explores the social constitution of economic categories, drawing upon Marx and the NRM. Chapter 3 uses Adorno to further explore the social practices that undergird this constitution. Part 2 of the book focuses upon the antagonistic social relations that sustain the law of value. It discusses their absence in the NRM, and attributes this to the NRM's interpretation of the 'logical' rather than historical exposition Marx employs in Capital (1990). Chapter 4 restates the importance of the separation of workers from their means of subsistence in the development of capitalism. It features a critique of the NRM on this point. Chapter 5 elaborates the significance of class as a key element of the capitalist form of wealth. Chapter 6 examines the relationship between classed labour and its expression as abstract labour in exchange. It draws upon an enlightening debate held in the pages of Capital & Class between Bonefeld and Axel Kicillof and Guido Starosta (see Kicillof & Starosta 2007, 2011; Bonefeld 2010. See also Carchedi 2011). This chapter and the earlier exchanges from which it derives are an unparalleled introduction to current disputes in Marxian value theory. Part 3 conceptualises the critique of political economy as the critique of the political form of capitalist society, the state. The state and the rule of law guarantee by force the law of value and the appearance of equal exchange upon which it depends. Thus, the latter is not a general, objective economic relation. Its preconditions must be reproduced, continually and politically. The two chapters in Part 3 focus on two aspects of this political basis. Chapter 7 theorises the world market as both a corollary of the law of value and a means for the coercion of labour. Rather than undermining them, the world market implies the existence of national states. Chapter 8 casts the state as the vehicle for the depoliticisation of exchange relations that is necessary to ensure the illusion of equivalence. …
5 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: This article argued that there are largely unrecognized conceptual disagreements hampering progress in understanding the nature of managerialist influence at work and in society in general, and in developing political strategies to combat the negative effects of managerialism in those domains.
Abstract: The topic of managerialism has in recent years received significant attention in the critical management studies field. However, this paper proposes that there are largely unrecognized conceptual disagreements hampering progress in understanding the nature of managerialist influence at work and in society in general, and in developing political strategies to combat the negative effects of managerialist ideology in those domains. The 'expansive' view presents managerialism as an sweeping hegemonic force that dominates society, whereas the 'focused' view argues for a much more limited scope of influence and focuses on a more empirical view of managerialism's effects. The purpose of this paper is to argue for the existence of these two points of view, to describe their differences, and also common ground between them that can constitute the basis for productive engagement between them that might lead to a critical perspective on managerialism that will help further CMS's emancipatory mission.
5 citations
TL;DR: In an era of cutback management, productivity tends to become more important than job satisfaction as discussed by the authors. Yet job satisfaction cannot be ignored, for it serves four important functions for human resource managers:
Abstract: In an era of cutback management, productivity tends to become more important than job satisfac tion. Yet job satisfaction cannot be ignored, for it serves four important functions for human resource managers:
5 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Naidoo as discussed by the authors examines the current African National Congress education policy in South Africa using a methodological tool derived from critical theory (Jay, 1973; Wellmer, 1971; O'Neill, 1977; Held, 1980; Guess, 1981; Roderick, 1986; Kellner, 1989; McCarthy, 1978, 1991) since it has an emancipatory rather than a manipulative interest in critical inquiry.
Abstract: This paper examines the current African National Congress education policy in South Africa using a methodological tool derived from critical theory (Jay, 1973; Wellmer, 1971; O’Neill, 1977; Held, 1980; Guess, 1981; Roderick, 1986; Kellner, 1989; McCarthy, 1978, 1991) since it has an emancipatory rather than a manipulative interest in critical inquiry. While much has been written on South African educational policy after the African National Congress victory in 1994, (African National Congress, 1994a; African National Congress, 1994b; Asmal and James, 2001; Carrim, 1998; Chisholm and Fine, 1994; Council on Higher Education, 2000a, 2000b; Department of Education, 1997; Maharaj, 1999; National Commission on Higher Education, 1996) but little, if any, has focussed on critical theory as a methodological tool. This paper examines the current African National Congress education policy in South Africa using a methodological tool derived from critical theory (Jay, 1973; Wellmer, 1971; O’Neill, 1977; Held, 1980; Guess, 1981; Roderick, 1986; Kellner, 1989; McCarthy, 1978, 1991) since it has an emancipatory rather than a manipulative interest in critical 1 Naidoo: Illusion or Reality? Policy and Process in South African Educatio Published by CORE Scholar, 2004 inquiry. While much has been written on South African educational policy after the African National Congress victory in 1994, (African National Congress, 1994a; African National Congress, 1994b; Asmal and James, 2001; Carrim, 1998; Chisholm and Fine, 1994; Council on Higher Education, 2000a, 2000b; Department of Education, 1997; Maharaj, 1999; National Commission on Higher Education, 1996) but little, if any, has focussed on critical theory as a methodological tool. Unlike positivism which applies “scientific” criteria to establish whether the social world is rationally ordered, critical theory adopts a historical and social understanding of knowledge making it possible to explore the relationship between policy and politicalhistorical–economic development such as that of South Africa. Critical theory assumes that knowledge of the social and cultural world is not so much a “science” in the positivistic sense but is a form of consciousness about the shifting boundaries of reality and the ongoing distillation of meaning from social existence (Watson, 1982, p.236). Similarly, interpretive approaches fail to theorise the larger social system or to recognize the ways in which specific events are shaped by features of the larger system. As such, interpretive approaches like positivist approaches are no less emancipatory. In transcending the implicit absolutism of positivism and the implicit relativism of interpretivism, critical theory, concentrates more on relating the object of knowledge to the constitutive activity of the subject within an historical context. For South Africans who need to affirm their own histories through the use of a language and a set of social relations, the body of knowledge that emerges from a critical theory perspective has the potential to help them reconstruct and dignify the cultural experiences that make up the history of their daily lives. It would be possible then for those who were traditionally voiceless, to learn skills and knowledge that will allow them to critically examine the role society has played in 2 Electronic Journal for Inclusive Education, Vol. 1, No. 8 [2004], Art. 6 https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/ejie/vol1/iss8/6 their own self-formation and to understand the construction of their identity in class, gender, race, disability and cultural terms. Such a realisation will enable the great mass of South African society to understand how its previous uncritical compliance served to preserve contemporary South African society rather than challenge or transform it (Fay, 1975, p.109; Held, 1980, p.245; Marcuse, 1964, p.120). The critical interest of the inquiry is in knowing ‘what has been done’ and ‘what is to be done’ to change the practices of policy-makers, researchers and practitioners in an emancipatory and educative direction. Fay (1975) argues that critical theory has two tasks: the first is the educative role and the second the emancipatory. The first is achieved by helping actors see themselves in ways that are radically different from their own selfconception by showing how certain experiences can be overcome and changed if they are conceptualized differently. The second is not only by enlightening actors about the precise mechanisms that frustrate them but also about which they have been ignorant. In other words, the critique of the current state of affairs in South African education is an analytical tool that looks below the surface features to the underlying logical and conceptual character and externally beyond the boundaries of the immediate object to the formative processes and structures of history, the economy and society. Such an analysis facilitates the exercise of rational judgment to examine the internal and external character of an educational field and a set of practices. The critical method is applied as two moments of criticism: internal and holistic or external. Since the object of critique is the education policy of the African National Congress, discourse analysis is employed as part of the moment of internal criticism as the language of the policy text signals problems of logic and concept and reveals the nature of the values embedded implicitly within it. The holistic criticism locates the education policy 3 Naidoo: Illusion or Reality? Policy and Process in South African Educatio Published by CORE Scholar, 2004 within a historical, economic and social context. This external moment of criticism also considers ideological aspects of the policy and the structural character of the process implied for policy-making. Popkewitz (1984) articulates at least two senses of critical. The first is the internal criticism that comes from analytical questioning of argument and method that stresses the logical consistency in arguments, procedures and language and the second “gives focus to skepticism towards social institutions and ... considers the conditions of social regulation, unequal distribution and power”. Critical theory therefore, as a method of critique, enables members of South African society to penetrate the education policy in South Africa to reveal ideological distortions in communicative patterns and structural connections. The distinguishing feature of critical theory is its interest or commitment to changing and improving the human condition. Critical orientations to policy would recognize the inevitability and complex role played by values in the policy process and stress the need for clear articulators of the goals of policy as well as the means. In other words, while theory guides practice, change comes about more through an increasing self-awareness of the limitations and constraints of human potential as well as the possibilities for emancipation from these. Prunty (1984, p.33) believes that from the perspective of critical theory, repression not only emanates from the socio-economic sphere, but is also mediated by human consciousness. Hence, it is necessary to explore the internal and subjective state of human existence alongside of the external and material world. It may well be that Marx’s account of historical materialism could provide us with an underlying rationale for policy-making. Cohen (1978) believes that the productive forces Marx speaks of are fundamental determinants of the historical process. The productive forces will determine the change in the relations of production and this in turn will explain 4 Electronic Journal for Inclusive Education, Vol. 1, No. 8 [2004], Art. 6 https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/ejie/vol1/iss8/6 the change in the non-economic institutions of society. There is a causal relationship therefore between the economic and political-legal realm. So at the level of forces of production, we are talking about human knowledge and human inventiveness. Such a recognition implies the implementation of policies that would weaken capitalist-class hegemony over the society, namely, the degree to which workers’ have control over their places of employment, democratic rather than business control of mass media, free and universally accessible higher education, health care, inclusive education, early childhood education centers, aged care, legal aid and the like. Policies will also focus on limiting social injustices based on class, race, gender, sexuality, disability, culture and so on. Essentially, an effort would be made to equalize power within the society and to make possible in Habermas’ words the existence of a “public sphere” that is essential for a truly human society (Habermas, 1974, pp.49-55). Habermaus (1979) provides an explanation of the constraint of human consciousness in terms of repressed forms of communication. Distorted communication occurs when consensus in discourse is reached through unequal or asymmetrical power relationships between the parties involved. Such a distortion was evident in the state of affairs in South Africa during the apartheid era, which was characterized by a policy of separate development for the different race groups, when the ruling Nationalist Party used education as a tool of oppression to further suppress the Black population, by providing them with an inferior education thereby entrenching the superiority and power of the “white” race. The term “black” is a generic term for all colored, Indian and black African people and does not necessarily refer to color while the term white refers to people of largely European descent. By conceding power to the “white” race, the notions of justice, 5 Naidoo: Illusion or Reality? Policy and Process in South African Educatio Published by CORE Scholar, 2004 truth and equality were repressed and the ideal of communicative competence (Habermas, 1979; 1984) disabled. Under
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore learning and reflection practices in architecture teams and show that when architects use reflection-on-action, they learn from experience, while when they use reflection in-action they learn f...
Abstract: This project explores learning and reflection practices in architecture teams. When architects use reflection-on-action, they learn from experience. When they use reflection-in-action, they learn f...
5 citations