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Journal ArticleDOI

Parental Influences on Adolescent Involvement in Community Activities

01 Jan 2000-Journal of Research on Adolescence (The University of North Carolina at Greensboro)-Vol. 10, Iss: 1, pp 29-48
TL;DR: This article found that both the behavioral model set by parents and their personal reinforcement of children's actions make significant differences in the extracurricular activity involvement of boys and girls, and that warm parents are likely to reinforce their children, and this reinforcement strengthened children's involvement in community activities.
Abstract: Youth involvement in extracurricular activities reflects both family socialization influences and civic development. Parents can promote such activity through examples set by personal involvement in the community and through reinforcement of their children's interests. Using data (N = 362) from the 9th and 10th grade waves of the Iowa Youth and Families Project (Conger & Elder, 1994), we find that both the behavioral model set by parents and their personal reinforcement of children's actions make significant differences in the extracurricular activity involvement of boys and girls. However, parental reinforcement is most consequential when parents are not engaged in community activities. In this situation, warm parents are likely to reinforce their children, and this reinforcement strengthens children's involvement in community activities. The family dynamics of civic socialization deserve more attention than they have received to date.

Summary (3 min read)

Introduction

  • Youth involvement in extracurricular activities reflects both family socialization influences and civic development.
  • Parents can promote such activity through examples set by personal involvement in the community and through reinforcement of their children's interests.
  • Using data (N = 362) from the 9th and 10th grade waves of the Iowa Youth and Families Project (Conger & Elder, 1994), the authors find that both the behavioral model set by parents and their personal reinforcement of children's actions make significant differences in the extracurricular activity involvement of boys and girls.
  • Parental reinforcement is most consequential when parents are not engaged in community activities.
  • The family dynamics of civic socialization deserve more attention than they have received to date.

Article:

  • American youth spend a substantial number of hours in extracurricular activities, including school-based clubs, school and local sports teams, and community-based organizations such as service clubs and church youth groups (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992).
  • Given the important role parents play in linking children to the world around them (Parke & Ladd, 1992), it is likely that children learn much about the value of civic involvement through the actions of their parents (Almond & Verba, 1963).
  • Research evidence using the same data set analyzed in this article has demonstrated that a good predictor of adolescents' own extracurricular participation is the community involvement of their parents (Chan & Elder, 1999; Elder & Conger, in press).
  • In short, parenting style serves as a moderator of associations between parental involvement in schooling and adolescent academic competence.
  • Given research suggesting the importance of parental warmth as a stylistic dimension of parenting readily identified among parents and linked with a wide range of adaptive child outcomes (see Maccoby & Martin, predictor of activity involvement in a more heterogeneous adolescent population.

Participants

  • Participants were drawn from the Iowa Youth and Families Project (Conger & Elder, 1994), a longitudinal study of 451 European American families from eight rural counties in north central Iowa.
  • All participating families lived on farms or in rural communities with populations less than 6,500 (see Conger & Elder, 1994, for more details on sample and data collection procedures).
  • Participating families were heavily reliant on an agriculture economy, both as farmers and members of communities heavily invested in agricultural success.
  • Data used in this project are from the third and fourth waves of data collection, during which time participants were in the 9th and 10th grades.
  • First of these visits, parents, adolescents, and siblings completed a variety of questionnaires, Participants were also left an additional set of questionnaires to be completed and returned to researchers by mail.

Measures

  • When target adolescents were in 9th grade, each parent reported on whether he or she was involved in any community activities, the hours spent involved in these activities, leadership positions held, and church attendance.
  • Family members were then asked to discuss a series of issues.
  • Scores were then averaged across adolescents' interactions with mothers and fathers to obtain an overall measure of parental warmth.
  • During the 9th and 10th grades, adolescents reported their involvement in all school and community-based extracurricular activities.
  • Intense, focused participation with one specific group or sport may indicate a significant interest or talent, but not necessarily an equally strong level of community investment.

Plan of Analysis

  • This traditional approach is not warranted, for reasons having to do with statistical power and hypothesis testing.
  • Darling and Steinberg (1993) stressed the importance of distinguishing between the roles of parenting style and parenting practices in child socialization research.
  • Based on their readings of the previous works, the authors believed it likely that parental involvement in community activities represented a context that would moderate associations between other parental variables (parental warmth and encouragement) and adolescent involvement in community activities.
  • Least squares regression techniques were used to determine path coefficients or beta weights (standardized partial regression coefficients) for a path analysis describing these relations.

Correlations Among Model Variables

  • Overall, correlations among variables were similar in direction and magnitude for boys and girls.
  • Accordingly, the authors combined participants across sex.
  • The authors performed a median split based on levels of parental community involvement within each family.
  • In contrast, among high-involvement families, 9th grade parental warmth and reinforcement are significantly associated with contemporaneous adolescent activity involvement, but not with adolescent activity involvement 1 year later.
  • Within both groups, there are strong significant associations between 9th and 10th grade levels of activity involvement.

Comparison of High- Versus Low-Involvement Families

  • Method of analysis, as it determine the unique contributions of each predictor of adolescent activity involvement, controlling for effects of other predictors.
  • The results of the two path analyses are shown in Figures 2 and 3.
  • Parental warmth accounted for 3% of the variance and reinforcement accounted for 2% of the variance.
  • Among youth from high parental involvement families , the model predicting 9th grade activity involvement was significant, F(2, 176) = 4.73, p < .05.

DISCUSSION

  • Parental warmth and reinforcement play important roles in promoting youth participation in school- and community-based extracurricular activities.
  • This research has identified several meaningful ways in which parents influence the likelihood of children's becoming involved in community activities.
  • Individuals who choose to reside in rural areas are also heavily reliant on the physical and social support of friends and neighbors.
  • The authors confidence in findings is strengthened by the inclusion of an observational measure of parental warmth and by the role of parental reinforcement, which appears to link parental warmth and adolescent activity involvement.

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Parental Influences on Adolescent Involvement in Community Activities
By: Anne C. Fletcher, Glen H. Elder, Jr., and Debra Mekos
Fletcher, A. C., Elder, G. H., Jr., & Mekos, D. (2000). Parental influences on adolescent involvement in
community activities. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 10, 29-48.
Made available courtesy of Wiley-Blackwell: The definitive version is available at
http://www3.interscience.wiley.com
***Reprinted with permission. No further reproduction is authorized without written permission from
Wiley-Blackwell. This version of the document is not the version of record. Figures and/or pictures
may be missing from this format of the document.***
Abstract:
Youth involvement in extracurricular activities reflects both family socialization influences and civic
development. Parents can promote such activity through examples set by personal involvement in the
community and through reinforcement of their children's interests. Using data (N = 362) from the 9th and 10th
grade waves of the Iowa Youth and Families Project (Conger & Elder, 1994), we find that both the behavioral
model set by parents and their personal reinforcement of children's actions make significant differences in the
extracurricular activity involvement of boys and girls. However, parental reinforcement is most consequential
when parents are not engaged in community activities. In this situation, warm parents are likely to reinforce
their children, and this reinforcement strengthens children's involvement in community activities. The family
dynamics of civic socialization deserve more attention than they have received to date.
Article:
American youth spend a substantial number of hours in extracurricular activities, including school-based clubs,
school and local sports teams, and community-based organizations such as service clubs and church youth
groups (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992). A small but rapidly growing body of literature
suggests that participation in both school- and community-based extracurricular activities is associated with and
predictive of behavioral well-being among adolescents. hi particular, youth extracurricular involvement is
frequently linked with academic competence. Adolescents' involvement in volunteer service or participation in
church-sponsored activities is associated with better academic performance during high school and an increased
likelihood of college attendance (Eccles & Barber, 1999). Student participation in organized sports has been
linked with higher academic grades, greater expressed liking of school during the high school years, and an
increased likelihood of college attendance (Eccles & Barber, 1999). Involvement in school-based
extracurricular activities during adolescence appears to serve as a protective factor against early school leaving
(Mahoney & Cairns, 1997; McNeal, 1995). Participation in leadership activities and clubs and special interest
groups is associated with students' achieving higher academic grades, and having greater school engagement
and higher educational aspirations (Lamborn, Brown, Mounts, & Steinberg, 1992). Less readily apparent
benefits of civic participation include its potential to reinforce positive social values (Almond & Verba, 1963;
Youniss, McLellan, & Yates, 1997) and set in motion a lifetime pattern of civic activity (Hanks & Eckland,
1978). Youth involvement in service activities meets community needs and applies principles and values that
chart a lifetime course of adult development.
Although the benefits of civic involvement to adolescents and communities are strong and far-reaching, such
participation is not always without accompanying risks. Of particular concern are findings that adolescents who
participate in organized sports activities, although benefitting academically from their involvement, may be at
an increased risk for involvement in deviant behavior, and in particular higher levels of alcohol and drug use
(Eccles & Barber, 1999). In sum, it appears civic involvement in general benefits adolescents academically and
socially, but participation in organized sports activities may place certain youth at risk of increased drug and
alcohol use.

Given that the balance of research evidence suggests overall benefits of extracurricular participation during
adolescence, investigators are now beginning to ask what factors may increase the likelihood that individual
adolescents will choose to participate in such activities. Given the important role parents play in linking
children to the world around them (Parke & Ladd, 1992), it is likely that children learn much about the value of
civic involvement through the actions of their parents (Almond & Verba, 1963). We know that children tend to
resemble parents in expressed commitment to educational (Featherman, 1980; Natriello & McDill, 1986) and
religious (Acock, 1984; Cornwall, 1989) institutions. Research evidence using the same data set analyzed in this
article has demonstrated that a good predictor of adolescents' own extracurricular participation is the community
involvement of their parents (Chan & Elder, 1999; Elder & Conger, in press).
Theoretically, parents who believe in the value of civic participation, yet are prevented from acting on their
beliefs, could find means other than their own examples to encourage children to take full advantage of
community opportunities. In this article, we are interested in identifying ways in which parents might influence
offspring extracurricular involvement that were conceptually distinct from parents' own levels of civic
participation. To identify such potential parental influences, we referred to previous empirical research
documenting linkages between parenting and child extracurricular involvement, to theoretical work
distinguishing between stylistic versus behavioral aspects of parenting, and to the work of Bronfenbrenner
(1977, 1986), emphasizing the importance of considering ecological contexts in which influences on child
development occur.
The one study that has attempted to identify parental influences on child activity involvement
(Csikszentmihalyi, Rathunde, & Whalen, 1993) found that the participation of gifted youth in activities that
support their talents is supported by parents who are warm and involved in their children's lives and who
actively reinforce their children's activity participation. Interestingly, these two components, parental warmth
and parental encouragement or reinforcement, fall into two conceptually distinct categories of parental
influences. Warmth is typically considered a stylistic aspect of parenting. By contrast, parents who explicitly
reinforce children to become involved in community activities are engaging in a type of parenting practice.
Parenting style is typically conceptualized as describing a general emotional climate within the home. This
emotional climate depends on where parents fall on general dimensions of parental emphasis, such as warmth,
behavioral control, or psychological autonomy granting, Warm and responsive parents may differ in the specific
manners in which they interact with their children, but all wain parents share an underlying emphasis on
concern for and responsiveness to children's specific needs. In contrast, parenting practices are the specific,
goal-directed behaviors that parents exhibit with their children. The distinction between parenting styles and
practices is significant (Darling & Steinberg, 1993), and the manner in which the two work together can be
complex. For example, authoritative parents (a parenting style that ranks high on warmth and limit-setting) are
more likely to be involved in their adolescents' school experiences (a parenting practice). Parental involvement
in adolescents' schooling typically has beneficial effects when it involves authoritative parents. However, it is
associated with negative outcomes when it is exhibited by authoritarian parents who are low in warmth and high
in limit-setting (Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, & Darling, 1992). In short, parenting style serves as a
moderator of associations between parental involvement in schooling and adolescent academic competence.
The same variable (in the previous example, parenting style) can both directly influence a given outcome
variable and moderate associations between other predictor variables and said outcome (Baron & Kenny, 1986).
In the case of moderation, a variable of interest is considered to set a context under which patterns of
association among other variables may vary. Accordingly, moderator-focused research questions allow attention
to be focused on the often overlooked (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1986) role of ecological context in child
development. Research questions involving moderating effects are theoretically driven and require different
data analytic strategies than do questions concerning more direct linkages between variables.
Given research suggesting the importance of parental warmth as a stylistic dimension of parenting readily
identified among parents and linked with a wide range of adaptive child outcomes (see Maccoby & Martin,

1983, for review), and empirical work suggesting its importance for the support of activity participation among
gifted adolescents (Csikszentmihalyi et al., 1993), we decided to focus in this article on its role as a parental
predictor of activity involvement in a more heterogeneous adolescent population. We also decided to focus on
parental encouragement, or reinforcement, of activity participation as a parenting practice that would logically
appear to increase the likelihood that adolescents will become involved in school- and community-based
extracurricular activities.
Previous work with this same data set (Chan & Elder, 1999; Elder & Conger, in press) has demonstrated that
parental involvement in community activities is predictive of adolescent civic participation. In keeping with
theoretical and empirical emphases (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1986; Steinberg et al., 1992) on the importance of
ecological context, we chose to examine the role of parental involvement in community activities as defining a
context in which parenting styles and behaviors are expressed. Warm parents, who may or may not reinforce
their children to participate in various activities, are exhibiting such behavior against a backdrop of their own
civic participation or lack thereof. As noted, the civic involvement of parents depends on timeif parents work
long hours, for example, they may not be able to put much time into the community. Reinforcement of youth
opportunities and experiences may support the participational influence of parents, and it may underscore the
importance of participation when parents are too busy to become involved in their communities. Accordingly,
the functional meaning of parental reinforcement and warmth depends on the community roles of parents;
parental community involvement potentially moderates effects of parental warmth and reinforcement on
adolescent activity involvement. To understand the moderating role played by parental civic involvement, we
can examine associations between adolescent activity involvement and other parental influences separately for
groups of families defined by their levels of civic participation (Baron & Kenny, 1986).
The warmth, reinforcement, and civic engagement of parents represent three different modes of
intergenerational influence in the socialization of children's social involvement. This study investigates the role
of these three distinct influences in determining the social involvement of youth. In theory, youth with warm
parents are likely to be involved in community activities. A portion of this effect may be explained by the
tendency of warm parents to reinforce their children in social endeavors. Both warmth and reinforcement should
generate more of a difference in the social involvement of children when parents are relatively inactive. Data
come from two waves of the Iowa Youth and Families Project.
SAMPLE AND METHOD
Participants
Participants were drawn from the Iowa Youth and Families Project (Conger & Elder, 1994), a longitudinal
study of 451 European American families from eight rural counties in north central Iowa. No minority families
participated in this project because they resided in the target counties in such small numbers. Families were
initially recruited for participation in 1989 if they had two biological parents living within the home, a seventh
grade child, and a near-aged sibling. All participating families lived on farms or in rural communities with
populations less than 6,500 (see Conger & Elder, 1994, for more details on sample and data collection
procedures). Participating families were heavily reliant on an agriculture economy, both as farmers and
members of communities heavily invested in agricultural success. The years prior to and encompassing this
project witnessed plummeting land values, rising unemployment, stalled economic development, and the
closing of numerous community businesses throughout the Midwest, and these Iowa counties were hit
particularly hard by the agriculture crisis of the 1980s.
Data used in this project are from the third and fourth waves of data collection, during which time participants
were in the 9th and 10th grades. Only families who were still in intact marriages at this time yielded data for
these analyses, resulting in an overall sample size of 362 families (target female participants = 190, male
participants = 172).

Procedure
Researchers visited families in their homes on two occasions during each wave of data collection. During the
first of these visits, parents, adolescents, and siblings completed a variety of questionnaires, Participants were
also left an additional set of questionnaires to be completed and returned to researchers by mail. Questionnaires
focused on a wide range of indexes of individual and family functioning and adjustment, as well as participants'
daily activities and community integration. During the second visit, families participated in a series of
videotaped structured interaction tasks that generated the measure of parental warmth described next.
Measures
Parental community involvement. When target adolescents were in 9th grade, each parent reported on
whether he or she was involved in any community activities, the hours spent involved in these activities,
leadership positions held, and church attendance. Activity involvement was determined by multiplying the
number of reported community activities by hours of involvement for each parent (resulting mothers'
component score: M = 6.81, SD = 7.27, range = 0-50; resulting fathers' component score: M = 7.57, SD = 8.81,
range = 0-60). Activity leadership was scored as a 0 if a parent held no community leadership positions and 1 if
a parent held at least one leadership position (resulting mothers' component score: M = .41, SD = .49, range =
0-1; resulting fathers' component score: .M = .40, SD = ,49, range = 0-1). Church attendance was scored as a 0
if parents attended church less than once a week, a 1 if parents attended church once a week, and a 2 if parents
attended church more than once a week (resulting mothers' component score: M = .75, SD = .70, range = 0-2;
resulting fathers' component score: M = .64, SD = 71, range = 0-2). Each of the three components of parental
community involvement was converted to z scores for mothers and for fathers, then summed across these three
indexes. These overall measures of mothers' and fathers' community involvement were averaged to obtain a
measure of parental community involvement (adapted from Elder & Conger, in press).
Parental warmth. The measure of parental warmth was obtained from a structured interaction task
administered to parentadolescent dyads within their homes. Prior to beginning these tasks, the researcher
visiting the home had family members individually complete questionnaires designed to identify issues that
often led to disagreements within the family. Family members were then asked to discuss a series of issues.
Prior to discussion of each issue, the researchers started video recording equipment and left the room, returning
after a set period of time to introduce the next topic of discussion and round of videotaping. Some of the
discussion topics were of general interest to families, including parenting approaches and assignment of
household responsibilities. Three topics were selected based on each family's questionnaire identification of
issues of concern for their particular family. In such cases, families were asked to discuss and resolve the issue
that was the most conflictual for their family, and to discuss and resolve the two remaining issues in turn, if time
allowed. Videotapes were subsequently coded by trained observers (graduate research assistants or college
graduate hourly employees, all of whom had completed a 200-240-hr training program to learn observational
coding techniques) for a variety of interactional qualities (Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz, & Simons, 1994),
including fathers' and mothers' warmth toward their children. Warmth was defined as expressions of care,
concern, support, or encouragement exhibited by the parent toward the adolescent. Warmth scores ranged from
1 (low) to 5 (high). Intraclass correlations were initially calculated as a measure of observer agreement, and
were relatively low (.43 for mothers, .33 for fathers). Accordingly, raters met and reconciled all rating
differences. The measures of maternal and paternal warmth used in this analyses represent this "consensus
coded" data, making it of higher quality than would be suggested by intraclass correlations. Scores were then
averaged across adolescents' interactions with mothers and fathers to obtain an overall measure of parental
warmth.
Parental reinforcement. Each parent completed the five-item reinforcement scale, designed to measure the
extent to which the parent regularly demonstrated to the adolescent (in 9th grade) support for his or her
activities, interests, and ideas (α = .75 [fathers], .80 [mothers]; sample item: "How often do you let this child
know that you appreciate him/her, his /her ideas or the things he/she does?"). Responses to individual items
were scored on different scales, and were summed across items for each parent after standardization. The final

measure of parental reinforcement was obtained by averaging across mother and father responses, with high
scores indicating strong reinforcement of adolescents.
Adolescent involvement in community activities. During the 9th and 10th grades, adolescents reported their
involvement in all school and community-based extracurricular activities. Adolescents were specifically
questioned concerning involvement in school sports, whether they held any sports leadership positions (e.g.,
captain, cocaptain, or manager), participation in other school activities or offices (e.g., band, homecoming
committee, science club), and involvement in community activities (e.g., Sunday-school teacher, Future
Farmers of America, recreational basketball). Youth were assigned scores representing the total number of such
activities in which they participated in 9th grade and again in 10th grade. The number of 9th grade activities
reported by adolescents ranged from 0 to 14 for girls and from 0 to 13 for boys. Tenth grade activity
involvement ranged from participation in 0 to 15 activities for boys and girls. Preliminary data analyses
examined whether the effects documented in this article differed when we considered separately different types
of activity participation (e.g., sports involvement, service activities, academic clubs). These analyses indicated
that parental effects on such activity involvement did not differ according to activity type. Accordingly, we
collapsed all types of activity participation into one composite measure. We also believed that extensive
involvement with one type of extracurricular activity was not equivalent to involvement across a wide range of
activities. Intense, focused participation with one specific group or sport may indicate a significant interest or
talent, but not necessarily an equally strong level of community investment. This is particularly likely to be true
in small, rural communities in which more students are likely to be included in extracurricular activities. In such
environments, for example, tremendous athletic prowess is not necessarily a prerequisite for membership on the
school football team. Membership on the football team in a small community is more likely to be an indicator of
school or community involvement in general, and its benefits may accumulate with those of other types of
activities, such as membership on the debate team or serving meals at the local homeless shelter.
Plan of Analysis
Using a traditional approach, questions regarding the roles of parental involvement in community activities,
parental warmth, and parental encouragement in relation to adolescent activity involvement would be
investigated by examining interaction effects to consider whether effects of specific parental variables (e.g., the
influence of parental warmth) varied in relation to levels of other predictor variables (e.g., parental involvement
in community activities). If significant interaction effects were observed, the sample would then be divided
based on levels of parental community involvement to determine whether the effects of warmth on adolescent
activity involvement varied for parents who were high versus low in involvement themselves.
In this case, this traditional approach is not warranted, for reasons having to do with statistical power and
hypothesis testing. Rosnow and Rosenthal (1989a, 1989b) argued that the approach outlined previously is
inappropriately conservative, as the power needed to detect significant interaction effects typically requires
extremely large samples. Instead, these experts argued that researchers should perform focused tests based on
theory-driven predictions concerning the nature of relations among variables.
To develop predictions concerning the nature of associations between parental variables and adolescent
involvement in community activities, we drew on three sources. Darling and Steinberg (1993) stressed the
importance of distinguishing between the roles of parenting style and parenting practices in child socialization
research. The writings of Bronfenbrenner (1977, 1986), have stressed the importance of considering ecological
context in developmental work. Finally, previous research using this same data set (Chan & Elder, 1999; Elder
& Conger, in press) has demonstrated that a key factor associated with adolescent community involvement is
the community involvement of parents.
Based on our readings of the previous works, we believed it likely that parental involvement in community
activities represented a context that would moderate associations between other parental variables (parental
warmth and encouragement) and adolescent involvement in community activities. Accordingly, we divided
families into two groups based on a median split of parental community involvement. We then developed a

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References
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TL;DR: This article seeks to make theorists and researchers aware of the importance of not using the terms moderator and mediator interchangeably by carefully elaborating the many ways in which moderators and mediators differ, and delineates the conceptual and strategic implications of making use of such distinctions with regard to a wide range of phenomena.
Abstract: In this article, we attempt to distinguish between the properties of moderator and mediator variables at a number of levels. First, we seek to make theorists and researchers aware of the importance of not using the terms moderator and mediator interchangeably by carefully elaborating, both conceptually and strategically, the many ways in which moderators and mediators differ. We then go beyond this largely pedagogical function and delineate the conceptual and strategic implications of making use of such distinctions with regard to a wide range of phenomena, including control and stress, attitudes, and personality traits. We also provide a specific compendium of analytic procedures appropriate for making the most effective use of the moderator and mediator distinction, both separately and in terms of a broader causal system that includes both moderators and mediators.

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"Parental Influences on Adolescent I..." refers background in this paper

  • ...The same variable (in the previous example, parenting style) can both directly influence a given outcome variable and moderate associations between other predictor variables and said outcome (Baron & Kenny, 1986)....

    [...]

  • ...To understand the moderating role played by parental civic involvement, we can examine associations between adolescent activity involvement and other parental influences separately for groups of families defined by their levels of civic participation (Baron & Kenny, 1986)....

    [...]

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the importance of biology for human development and the role of the human brain in the development of human cognition and behavior, and propose a model of human development based on the Bioecological Model of Human Development.
Abstract: VOLUME 1. 1. Developmental Science, Developmental Systems, and Contemporary Theories of Human Development (Richard M. Lerner). 2. Developmental Psychology: Philosophy, Concepts, Methodology (Willis F. Overton). 3. The Making of Developmental Psychology (Robert B. Cairns and Beverley D. Cairns). 4. Developmental Epistemology and Implications for Methodology (Jaan Valsiner). 5. The Significance of Biology for Human Development: A Developmental Psychobiological Systems Views (Gilbert Gottlieb, Douglas Wahlsten and Robert Lickliter). 6. Dynamic Systems Theories (Esther Thelen and Linda B. Smith). 7. Dynamic Development of Action and Thought (Kurt W Fischer and Thomas R. Bidell). 8. The Person in Context: A Holistic-Interactionistic Approach (David Magnusson and Hakan Stattin). 9. The Developing Person: An Experiential Perspective (Kevin Rathunde and Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi). 10. Action Perspectives on Human Development (J. Brandstadter). 11. Life Span Theory in Developmental Psychology (Paul B. Baltes, Ulman Lindenberger and Ursula M. Staudinger). 12. The Life Course and Human Development (Glen H. Elder and Michael J. Shanahan). 13. The Cultural Psychology of Development: One Mind, Many Mentalities (Richard A. Shweder, Jacqueline J. Goodnow, Giyoo Hatano, Robert A. Levine, Hazel R. Markus and Peggy J. Miller). 14. The Bioecological Model of Human Development (Urie Bronfenbrenner and Pamela A. Morris). 15. Phenomenologitcal and Ecological Systems Theory: Development of Diverse Groups (Margaret Beale Spencer). 16. Positive Youth Development: Theory, Research, and Applications (Peter L. Benson, Peter C. Scales, Stephen F. Hamilton and Arturo Sesma). 17. Religious and Spiritual Development Throughout the Life Span (Fritz K. Oser, W. George Scarlett and Anton Bucher). Author Index. Subject Index. VOLUME 2. SECTION ONE: FOUNDATIONS. 1. Neural Bases of Cognitive Development (Charles A. Nelson, Kathleen M. Thomas and Michelle de Haan). 2. The Infant's Auditory World: Hearing, Speech, and the Beginnings of Language (Jenny R. Saffran, Janet F. Werker and Lynne A. Werner). 3. Infant Visual Perception (Philip J. Kellman and Martha E. Arterberry). 4. Motor Development (Karen E. Adolph and& Sarah E. Berger). 5. Infant Cognition (Leslie B. Cohen and Cara H. Cashon). SECTION TWO: COGNITION AND COMMUNICATION 6. Acquiring Linguistic Constructions (Michael Tomasello). 7. Early Word Learning (Sandra R. Waxman and Jeffrey L. Lidz). 8. Nonverbal Communication: The Hand's Role in Talking and Thinking (Susan Goldin-Meadow). SECTION THREE: COGNITIVE PROCESSES. 9. Event Memory (Patricia J. Bauer). 10. Information Processing Approaches to Development (Yuko Munakata). 11. Microgenetic Analysis of Learning (Robert S. Siegler). 12. Cognitive Strategies Michael Pressley and Katherine Hilden). 13. Reasoning and Problem Solving (Graeme S. Halford and Glenda Andrews). 14. Cognitive Science and Cognitive Development (Frank Keil). 15. Culture and Cognitive Development in Phylogenetic, Historical, and Ontogenetic Perspective (Michael Cole). SECTION FOUR: CONCEPTUAL UNDERSTANDING AND ACHIEVMENTS. 16. Conceptual Development (Susan A. Gelman and Charles W. Kalish). 17. Development of Spatial Cognition (Nora S. Newcombe and Janellen Huttenlocher). 18. Development of Mathematical Understanding (David C. Geary). 19. Social Cognition (Paul L. Harris). 20. Development in the Arts: Drawing and Music (Ellen Winner). 21. Extraordinary Achievements: A Developmental and Systems Analysis (Seana Moran and Howard Gardner). SECTION FIVE: THE PERSPECTIVE BEYOND CHILDHOOD. 22. The Second Decade: What Develops (and how) (Deanna Kuhn and Sam Franklin). Author Index. Subject Index. VOLUME 3. 1. Introduction (Nancy Eisenberg). 2. The Development of the Person: Social Understanding, Relationships, Conscience, Self (Rosa A. Thompson). 3. Temperament (Mary K. Rothbart and John E. Bates). 4. Biology, Culture, and Temperamental Biases (Jerome Kagan and Nathan A. Fox). 5. Emotional Development: Action, Communication, and Understanding (Carolyn Saarni, Joseph J. Campos, Linda A. Camras and David Witherington). 6. Personality Development (Avshalom Caspi) and Rebecca L. Shiner. 7. Socialization Processes (Daphne Blunt Bugental and Joan E. Grusec). 8. Socialization in the Family: Etnnic and Ecological Perspectives (Ross D. Parke and Raymond Buriel). 9. The Self (Susan Harter). 10. Peer Interactions, Relationships, and Groups (Kenneth H. Rubin, William M. Bulkowski and Jeffrey G. Parker). 11. Prosocial Development (Nany Eisenberg, Richard A. Fabes and Tracy L. Spinrad). 12. Aggression and Antisocial Behavior in Youth (Kenneth A. Dodge, John D. Coie and Donald Lynam). 13. The Development of Morality (Elliot Turiel). 14. Gender Development (Diane N. Ruble, Carol Lynn martin and Sheri A. Berebaum). 15. Development of Achievement Motivation (Allan Wigfield, Jacquelynne S. Eccles, Ulrich Schiefele, Robert W. Rosser and Pamela Davis-Kean). 16. Adolescent Development in Interpersonal Context (W. Andrew Collins and Laurence Steinberg). Author Index. Subject Index. VOLUME 4. PART I: INTRODUCTION. Applying Research to Practice (K. Renninger & I. Sigel). PART II: RESEARCH ADVANCED AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE IN EDUCATION. 1. Early Childhood Development and Education (M. Hyson, et al.). 2. Assessments of Early Reading (S. Paris & A. Paris). 3. Becoming Bilingual, Biliterate, and Bicultural (C. Snow & J. Kang). 4. Mathematical Thinking and Learning (E. De Corte & L. Verschaffel). 5. Scientific Thinking and Science Literacy (R. Lehrer & L. Schauble). 6. Character Education (D. Lapsley & D. Narvaez). 7. Learning Environments (P. Blumenfeld, et al.). PART III: RESEARCH ADVANCED AND IMPLICATIONS FOR CLINICAL APPLICATIONS. 8. Self-REgulations and Effort Investment (M. Boekaerts). 9. Risk and Prevention (R. Selman & A. Dray). 10. Learning Disabilities (V. Berninger). 11. Mental Retardation (R. Hodapp & E. Dykens). 12. Developmental Psychopathology and Preventive Intervention (D. Cicchetti & S. Toth). 13. Families and Early Childhood Interventions (D. Powell). 14. School-based Social and Emotional Learning Programs (J. Kress & M. Elias). PART IV: RESEARCH ADVANCED AND IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL POLICY AND SOCIAL ACTION. 15. Cultural Pathways Through Human Development (P. Greenfield, et al.). 16. Children and War Trauma (A. Klingman). 17. The Child and them Law (M. Bruck, et al.). 18. Media and Popular Culture (G. Comstock & E. Scharrer). 19. Children's Health and Education (C. Ramey, et al.). 20. Parenting Science and Practice (M. Bornstein). 21. Nonparental Child Care (M. Lamb & L. Ahnert). 22. Research to Practice Redefined (I. Sigel). Afterword.

9,880 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a broader approach to research in human development is proposed that focuses on the pro- gressive accommodation, throughout the life span, between the growing human organism and the changing environments in which it actually lives and grows.
Abstract: A broader approach to research in hu- j man development is proposed that focuses on the pro- \ gressive accommodation, throughout the life span, between the growing human organism and the changing environments in which it actually lives and grows. \ The latter include not only the immediate settings containing the developing person but also the larger social contexts, both formal and informal, in which these settings are embedded. In terms of method, the approach emphasizes the use of rigorousj^d^igned exp_erjments, both naturalistic and contrived, beginning in the early stages of the research process. The chang- ing relation between person and environment is con- ceived in systems terms. These systems properties are set forth in a series of propositions, each illus- trated by concrete research examples.

7,980 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A review of research on the influence of external environments on the functioning of families as contexts of human development can be found in this article, with a focus on the patterning of environmental events and transitions over the life course as these affect and are affected by intrafamilial processes.
Abstract: This review collates and examines critically a theoretically convergent but widely dispersed body of research on the influence of external environments on the functioning of families as contexts of human development. Investigations falling within this expanding domain include studies of the interaction of genetics and environment in family processes; transitions and linkages between the family and other major settings influencing development, such as hospitals, day care, peer groups, school, social networks, the world of work (both for parents and children), and neighborhoods and communities; and public policies affecting families and children. A second major focus is on the patterning of environmental events and transitions over the life course as these affect and are affected by intrafamilial processes. Special emphasis is given to critical research gaps in knowledge and priorities for future investigation. The purpose of this article is to document and delineate promising lines of research on external influences that affect the capacity of families to foster the healthy development of their children. The focus differs from that of most studies of the family as a context of human development, because the majority have concentrated on intrafamilial processes of parent-child interaction, a fact that is reflected in Maccoby and Martin's (1983) recent authoritative review of research on family influences on development. By contrast, the focus of the present analysis can be described as "once removed." The research question becomes: How are intrafamilial processes affected by extrafamilial conditions? Paradigm Parameters In tracing the evolution of research models in developmental science, Bronfenbrenner and Crouter (1983) distinguished a series of progressively more sophisticated scientific paradigms for investigating the impact of environment on development. These paradigms provide a useful framework for ordering and analyzing studies bearing on the topic of this review. At the most general level, the research models vary simultaneously along two dimensions. As applied to the subject at hand, the first pertains

6,114 citations


"Parental Influences on Adolescent I..." refers background in this paper

  • ...The writings of Bronfenbrenner (1977, 1986), have stressed the importance of considering ecological context in developmental work....

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  • ...In keeping with theoretical and empirical emphases (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1986; Steinberg et al., 1992) on the importance of ecological context, we chose to examine the role of parental involvement in community activities as defining a context in which parenting styles and behaviors are expressed....

    [...]

  • ...…parenting and child extracurricular involvement, to theoretical work distinguishing between stylistic versus behavioral aspects of parenting, and to the work of Bronfenbrenner (1977, 1986), emphasizing the importance of considering ecological contexts in which influences on child development occur....

    [...]

  • ...Accordingly, moderator-focused research questions allow attention to be focused on the often overlooked (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1986) role of ecological context in child development....

    [...]

Frequently Asked Questions (2)
Q1. What are the contributions in this paper?

Using data ( N = 362 ) from the 9th and 10th grade waves of the Iowa Youth and Families Project ( Conger & Elder, 1994 ), the authors find that both the behavioral model set by parents and their personal reinforcement of children 's actions make significant differences in the extracurricular activity involvement of boys and girls. Research evidence using the same data set analyzed in this article has demonstrated that a good predictor of adolescents ' own extracurricular participation is the community involvement of their parents ( Chan & Elder, 1999 ; Elder & Conger, in press ). In this article, the authors are interested in identifying ways in which parents might influence offspring extracurricular involvement that were conceptually distinct from parents ' own levels of civic participation. To identify such potential parental influences, the authors referred to previous empirical research documenting linkages between parenting and child extracurricular involvement, to theoretical work distinguishing between stylistic versus behavioral aspects of parenting, and to the work of Bronfenbrenner ( 1977, 1986 ), emphasizing the importance of considering ecological contexts in which influences on child development occur. Given research suggesting the importance of parental warmth as a stylistic dimension of parenting readily identified among parents and linked with a wide range of adaptive child outcomes ( see Maccoby & Martin, 1983, for review ), and empirical work suggesting its importance for the support of activity participation among gifted adolescents ( Csikszentmihalyi et al., 1993 ), the authors decided to focus in this article on its role as a parental predictor of activity involvement in a more heterogeneous adolescent population. In keeping with theoretical and empirical emphases ( Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1986 ; Steinberg et al., 1992 ) on the importance of ecological context, the authors chose to examine the role of parental involvement in community activities as defining a context in which parenting styles and behaviors are expressed. To understand the moderating role played by parental civic involvement, the authors can examine associations between adolescent activity involvement and other parental influences separately for groups of families defined by their levels of civic participation ( Baron & Kenny, 1986 ). This study investigates the role of these three distinct influences in determining the social involvement of youth. Data come from two waves of the Iowa Youth and Families Project. A small but rapidly growing body of literature suggests that participation in both schooland community-based extracurricular activities is associated with and predictive of behavioral well-being among adolescents. Less readily apparent benefits of civic participation include its potential to reinforce positive social values ( Almond & Verba, 1963 ; Youniss, McLellan, & Yates, 1997 ) and set in motion a lifetime pattern of civic activity ( Hanks & Eckland, 1978 ). Given that the balance of research evidence suggests overall benefits of extracurricular participation during adolescence, investigators are now beginning to ask what factors may increase the likelihood that individual adolescents will choose to participate in such activities. Accordingly, the functional meaning of parental reinforcement and warmth depends on the community roles of parents ; parental community involvement potentially moderates effects of parental warmth and reinforcement on adolescent activity involvement. 

The social bonds formed through involvement in community activities benefit residents by strengthening social ties that may be needed in future years. Future research efforts, other contextual factors that moderate associations between parenting styles and practices and the likelihood that adolescents will become involved and invested in their communities of residence. Future research endeavors would do well to consider these issues, and to identify contexts that support adolescent integration into community institutions. This article offers evidence suggesting that such socialization effects extend to the realm of civic responsibility, and that parents play a meaningful role in determining whether their offspring will invest in the social institutions of their communities.